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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
AT LOS ANGELES 



r^ 





UMlVKRSlTYofCALIFORl^ 






UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA 

LOS ANGELES 
LIBRARY 



8 6 r? 1 



THE NOVELS 

AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 

OF DANIEL DE FOE. 



VOLUME THE NINTH. 



HISTORY OF THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 
THE CONSOLIDATOR. 



THE NOVELS 

AND 

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 



OF 



DANIEL DE FOE. 



WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, LITERARY 

PREFACES TO THE VARIOUS PIECES, ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES, ETC. 

INCLUDING ALL CONTAINED IN THE EDITION ATTRIBUTED TO 

THE LATE SIR WALTER SCOTT, 

WITH CONSIDERABLE ADDITIONS. 
VOL. IX. 

HISTORY OF THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 
THE CONSOLIDATOR. 




OXFORD: 

PRINTED BY D. A. TAiBOYS, 

FOR THOMAS TEGG, 73, CHEAPSIDE, LONDON. 

1840. 



HISTORY OF THE PLAGUE 
IN LONDON, IN 1665. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 



IN ONE VOLUME. 



OXFORD : 

PRINTED BY D. A. TALBOT S, 

FOR THOMAS TEGG, 73, CHEAPSIDE, LONDON. 

1840. 



1G3878 



5 i. 3 



3-^-0 
ADVERTISEMENT. 



The History of the Great Plague in London is one 

of that particular class of compositions which hovers 

between romance and history. Undoubtedly De Foe 

embodied a number of traditions upon this subject 

with what he might actually have read, or of which 

he might otherwise have received direct evidence. 

This dreadful disease, which, in the language of 

Scripture, might be described as "the pestilence 

which walketh in darkness, and the destruction that 

wasteth at noon-day," was indeed a fit subject for a 

pencil so veracious as that of De Foe. Had he not 

been the author of Robinson Crusoe, De Foe would 

have deserved immortality for the genius which he 

has displayed in this work. 

Miscellaneous Prose Works of Sir Walter Scott, 
vol. iv. p. 290, ed. 1827. 



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v^, ti. 



HISTORY OF 
THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 



It was about the beginning of September, 1664, 
that I, among the rest of my neighbours, hearji, in 
ordinary discourse, that the plague was returned 
again in Holland ; for it had been very violent there, 
and particularly at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, in 
the year 1663, whither they say, it was brought, 
some said from Italy, others from the Levant, among 
some goods which were brought home by their 
Turkey fleet; others said it was brought from 
Candia ; others from Cyprus. It mattered not from 
whence it came ; but all agreed it was come into 
Holland again. 

We had no such thing as printed newspapers in 
those days, to spread rumours and reports of things, 
and to improve them by the invention of men, as I 
have lived to see practised since. But such things 
as those were gathered from the letters of merchants, 
and others, who corresponded abroad, and from them 
was handed about by word of mouth only ; so that 
things did not spread instantly over the whole 
nation, as they do now. But it seems that the go- 
vernnient had a true account of it, and several 
councils were held about ways to prevent its coming 
over, but all was kept very private. Hence it was, 
that this rumour died off again, and people began 
to forget it, as a thing we were very little concerned 
m, and that we hoped was not true ; till the latter 

PLAGUE. R 



I THE HISTORY OF 

end of November, or the beginning of December, 
1664, when two men, said to be Frenchmen, died 
of the plague in Long-acre, or rather at the upper 
end of Drury-lane. The family they were in, en- 
deavoured to conceal it as much as possible ; but as 
it had gotten some vent in the discourse of the 
neighbourhood, the secretaries of state got know- 
ledge of it. And concerning themselves to inquire 
about it, in order to be certain of the truth, two 
physicians and a surgeon were ordered to go to the 
house, and make inspection. This they did, and 
finding evident tokens of the sickness upon both the 
bodies that were dead, they gave their opinions 
publicly, that they died of the plague. Whereupon 
it was given in to the parish clerk, and he also re- 
turned them to the hall ; and it was printed in the 
weekly bill of mortality in the usual manner, thus : 

Plague, 2. Parishes infected, 1. 

The people showed a great concern at this, and 
began to be alarmed all over the town, and the 
more, because in the last week in December, 1664, 
another man died in the same house, and of the 
same distemper : and then we were easy again for 
about six weeks, when none having died with any 
marks of infection, it was said the distemper was 
gone ; but after that, I think it was about the 12th 
of February, another died in another house, but in 
the same parish, and in the same manner. 

This turned the people's eyes pretty much towards 
that end of the town ; and the weekly bills showing 
an increase of burials in St. Giles's parish more 
than usual, it began to be suspected that the plague 
was among the people at that end of the town ; and 
that many had died of it, though they had taken 
care to keep it as much from the knowledge of the 
public as possible. This possessed the heads of the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. O 

people very much, and few cared to go through 
Drury-lane, or the other streets suspected, unless 
they had extraordinary business, that obliged them 
to it. 

This increase of the bills stood thus ; the usual 
number of burials in a week, in the parishes of St. 
Giles's in the Fields, and St. Andrew's, Holborn, 
were from twelve to seventeen or nineteen each, 
few more or less ; but from the time that the plague 
first began in St. Giles's parish, it was observed 
that the ordinary burials increased in number con- 
siderably. For example: 

From Dec. 27th to Jan. 3rd, St. Giles's 16 

St. Andrew's 17 

Jan. 3rd to Jan. 10th, St. Giles's 12 
St. Andrew's 25 

Jan. 10th to Jan. 17th, St. Giles's 18 
St. Andrew's 18 

Jan. 17th to Jan. 24th, St. Giles's 23 
St. Andrew's 16 

Jan. 24th to Jan. 31st, St. Giles's 24 
St. Andrew's lo 

Jan. 31st to Feb. 7th, St. Giles's 21 
St. Andrew's 23 

Feb. 7th to Feb. 14th, St. Giles's 24 
Whereof one of the plague. 

The like increase of the bills was observed in the 
parishes of St. Bride's, adjoining on one side of 
Holborn parish, and in the parish of St. James's, 
Clerkenwell, adjoining on the other side of Holborn; 
in both which parishes the usual numbers that died 
weekly, were from four to six or eight, whereas at 
that time they were increased as follows : 

b2 



THE HISTORY OF 

From Dec. 20th to Dec. 27th, St. Bride's 

St. James 8 

Dec. 27th to Jan. 3rd, St. Bride's 6 

St. James 9 



Jan. 3rd to Jan. 10th, St. Bride's 11 
St. James 7 

Jan. 10th to Jan. 17th, St. Bride's 12 
St. James 9 

Jan. 17th to Jan. 24th, St. Bride's 9 
St. Jatnes 15 

Jan. 24th, to Jan. 31st, St. Bride's 8 
St. James 12 

Jan. 31st to Feb. 7th, St. Bride's 13 
St. James 5 

Feb. 7th to Feb. 14th, St. Bride's 12 
St. James 6 

Besides this, it was observed with great uneasi- 
ness by the people, that the weekly bills in general 
increased very much during these weeks, although 
it was at a time of the year when usually the bills 
are very moderate. 

The usual number of burials within the bills of 
mortality for a week, was from about two hundred- 
and-forty, or thereabouts, to three hundred. The last 
was esteemed a pretty high bill ; but after this we 
found the bills successively increasing, as follows : 

Increased. 
December 20, to the 27th, Buried 291 

27, to the 3rd Jan. 349 58 

January 3, to the 10th, 394 45 

10, to the 17th, 415 21 

17, to the 24th, 474 59 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON O 

This last bill was really frightful, being a higher 
number than had been known to have been buried 
in one week, since the preceding visitation of 1656. 

However, all this went off again, and the weather 
proving cold, and the frost, which began in Decem- 
ber, still continuing very severe, even till near the 
end of February, attended with sharp though 
moderate winds, the bills decreased again, and the 
city grew healthy, and everybody began to look 
upon the danger as good as over ; only that still the 
burials in St. Giles's continued high. From the be- 
ginning of April, especially, they stood at twenty- 
five each week, till the week from the 18th to the 
2oth, when there was buried in St, Giles's parish 
thirty, whereof two of the plague, and eight of the 
spotted fever, which was looked upon as the same 
thing ; likewise the number that died of the spotted 
fever in the whole increased, being eight the week 
before, and twelve the week above named. 

This alarmed us all again, and terrible apprehen- 
sions were among the people, especially the weather 
being now changed and growing warm, and the 
summer being at hand: however, the next week there 
seemed to be some hopes again, the bills were low, 
the number of the dead in all was but 388, there 
was none of the plague, and but four of the spotted 
fever. 

But the following week it returned again, and the 
distemper was spread into two or three other 
parishes, viz. St. Andrew's, Holborn, St. Clement's- 
Danes, and, to the great affliction of the city, one 
died within the walls, in the parish of St. Mary- 
Wool-Church, that is to say, in Bearbinder-lane, 
near Stocks-market ; in all there were nine of the 
plague, and six of the spotted fever. It was, how- 
ever, upon inquiry, found, that this Frenchman who 
died in Bearbinder-lane, was one who, having lived 



6 THE HISTORY OF 

V/ in Long-acre, near the infected houses, had removed 
for fear of the distemper, not knowing that he was 
already infected. 

This was the beginning of May, yet the weather 
was temperate, variable, and cool enough, and peo- 
■ple had still some hopes : that which encouraged them 
was, that the city was healthy, the whole ninety- 
seven parishes buried but fifty-four, and we began 
to hope, that as it was chiefly among the people at 
that end of the town, it might go no further ; and 
the rather, because the next week, which was from 
the 9th of May to the 1 6th, there died but three, 
of which not one within the whole city or liberties, 
and St. Andrew's buried but fifteen, which was very 
low. It is true, St. Giles's buried two-and-thirty, 
but still as there was but one of the plague, people 
began to be easy ; the whole bill also was very low, 
for the week before, the bill was but 347, and the 
week above mentioned but 343. We continued in 
these hopes for a few days. But it was but for a 
few, for the people were no more to be deceived 
thus ; they searched the houses, and found that the 
plague was really spread every way, and that many 
died of it every day, so that now all our extenua- 
tions abated, and it was no more to be concealed, 
nay, it quickly appeared that the infection had 
spread itself beyond all hopes of abatement ; that in 
the parish of St. Giles's, it was gotten into several 
streets, and several families lay all sick together ; 
and, accordingly, in the weekly bill for the next 
week, the thing began to show itself; there was in- 
deed but fourteen set down of the plague, but this 
was all knavery and collusion ; for St. Giles's parish, 
they buried forty in all, whereof it was certain most 
of them died of the plague, though they were set 
down of other distempers ; and though the number 
of all the burials were not increased above thirty- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 7 

two, and the whole bill being but 880, yet there 
was fourteen of the spotted fever, as well as fourteen 
of the plague ; and we took it for granted upon the 
whole, that there were fifty died that week of the 
plague. 

The next bill was from the 23rd of May, to the 
30th, when the number of the plague was seventeen; 
but the burials in St. Giles's were fifty-three, a 
frightful number I of whom they set down but nine 
of the plague : but on an examination more strictly 
by the justices of the peace, and at the lord mayor's 
request, it was found there were twenty more who 
were really dead of the plague in that parish, but 
had been set down of the spotted fever, or other dis- 
tempers, besides others concealed. 

But those were trifling things to what followed 
immediately after ; for now the weather set in hot, 
and, from the first week in June, the infection spread 
in a dreadful manner, and the bills rise high, the 
articles of the fever, spotted fever, and teeth, began 
to swell : for all that could conceal their distempers, 
did it to prevent their neighbours shunning and re- 
fusing to converse with them ; and also to prevent 
authority shutting up their houses, which though 
it was not yet practised, yet was threatened, and 
people were extremely terrified at the thoughts of 
it. 

The second week in June, the parish of St. Giles's, 
where still the weight of the infection lay, buried 
120, whereof, though the bills said but sixty-eight of 
the plague everybody said there had been a hundred 
at least, calculating it from the usual number of 
funerals in that parish as above. 

Till this week the city continued free, there 
having never any died except that one Frenchman, 
who I mentioned before, within the whole ninety- 
seven parishes. Now there died four within the 



a THE HISTORY OF 

city, one in Wood-street, one in Fenchurch-street, 
and two in Crooked-lane : Southwark was entirely 
free, having not one yet died on that side of the 
water. 

I lived without Aldgate, about midway between 
Aldgate church and Whitechapel Bars, on the left 
hand or north side of the street ; and as the dis- 
temper had not reached to that side of the city, our 
neighbourhood continued very easy : but at the 
other end of the town their consternation was very 
great, and the richer sort of people, especially the 
nobility and gentry, from the west part of the city, 
thronged out of town, with their families and servants 
in an unusual manner ; and this was more particu- 
larly seen in Whitechapel; that is to say, the 
Broad-street where I lived : indeed nothing was to 
be seen, but waggons and carts, with goods, women, 
fvants, children, &c. ; coaches filled with people of 
the better sort, and horsemen attending them, and 
all hurrying away ; then empty waggons and carts 
appeared, and spare horses with servants, who it 
was apparentwere returning, or sent from the country 
to fetch more people : besides innumerable numbers 
of men on horseback, some alone, others with ser- 
vants, and generally speaking, all loaded with baggage 
and fitted out for travelling, as any one might 
perceive by their appearance. 

This was a very terrible and melancholy thing to 
see, and as it was a sight which I could not but look 
on from morning to night (for indeed there was 
nothing else of moment to be seen,) it filled me with 
very serious thoughts of the misery that was coming 
upon the city, and the unhappy condition of those 
that would be left in it. 

This hurry of the people was such for some weeks, 
that there was no getting at the lord mayor's door 
without exceeding difficulty ; there was such pressing 



THE PLAGUE ITf LONDON. 

and crowding there to get passes and certificates of 
health, for such as travelled abroad ; for, without 
these, there was no being admitted to pass through 
the towns upon the road, or to lodge in any inn. 
Now as there had none died in the city for all this 
time, my lord mayor gave certificates of health 
without any difficulty to all those who lived in the 
ninety-seven parishes, and to those within the li- 
berties too for awhile. 

This hurry, I say, continued some weeks, that is 
to say, all the months of 3Iay and June, and the more 
because it was rumoured that an order of the govern- 
ment was to be issued out, to place turnpikes and 
barriers on the road, to prevent people's travelling ; 
and that the towns on the road would not suffer people 
from London to pass, for fear of bringing the infec- 
tion along with them, though neither of these 
rumours had any foundation, but in the imagina- 
tion, especially at first. 

I now began to consider seriously with myself, 
concerning my own case, and how I should dispose 
of myself; that is to say, whether I should resolve 
to stay in London, or shut up my house and flee, as 
many of my neighbours did. 1 have set this particular 
down so fully, because I know not but it may be of 
moment to those who come after me, if they come 
to be brought to the same distress, and to the same 
manner of making their choice, and therefore I 
desire this account may pass with them rather for 
a direction to themselves to act by, than a history 
of my actings, seeing it may not be of one farthing 
value to them to note what became of me. 

I had two important things before me ; the one 
was the carrying on my business and shop ; which 
was considerable, and in which was embarked all 
my effects in the world ; and the other was the pre- 
servation of my life in so dismal a calamity, as I saw 



10 THE HISTORY OF 

apparently was coming upon the whole city ; and 
which, however great it was, my fears perhaps, as 
well as other people's, represented to be much 
greater than it could be. 

The first cons ideration was of great moment to 
-me ; mylrade was a saddler, and as my dealings were 
chiefly not by a shop or chance trade, but among 
the merchants, trading to the English colonies in 
America, so my effects lay very much in the hands 
of such. I was a single man it is true, but I had a 
family of servants, who I kept at my business ; had 
a house, shop, and warehouses filled with goods ; 
and, in short, to leave them all as things in such a 
case must be left, that is to say, without any over- 
seer or person fit to be trusted with them, had been 
to hazard the loss not only of my trade, but of my 
goods, and indeed of all I had in the world. 

I had an elder brother at the same time in 
London, and not many years before come over 
from Portugal ; and, advising with him, his answer 
was in three words, the same that was given in 
another case quite different, viz. Master, save thy- 
self In a word, he was for my retiring into the 
country, as he resolved to do himself, with his 
family; telling me, what he had, it seems, heard 
abroad, that the best preparation for.the plague was 
— ta.,nm jaway from it. As to my argument of losing 
my trade, my goods, or debts, he quite confuted me: 
he told me the same thing, which I argued for my 
staying, viz. That I would trust God with my safety 
and health, was the strongest repulse to my pre- 
tensions of losing my trade and my goods ; For, says 
he, is it not as reasonable that you should trust 
God with the chance or risk of losing your trade, as 
that you should stay in so eminent a point of danger, 
and trust him with your life ? 

I could not argue that I was in any strait, as to 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 1 1 

a place where to go, having several friends and re- 
lations in Northamptonshire, whence our family first 
came from ; and particularly, I had an only sister in 
Lincolnshire, very willing to receive and entertain 
me. 

My brother, who had already sent his wife and 
two children into Bedfordshire, and resolved to 
follow them, pressed my going very earnestly ; and 
I had once resolved to comply with his desires, but 
at that time could get no horse : for though it is 
true, all the people did not go out of the city of 
London; yet I may venture to say, that in a manner 
all the horses did ; for there was hardly a horse to 
be bought or hired in the whole city, for some weeks. 
Once I resolved to travel on foot with one servant ; 
and as many did, lie at no inn, but carry a soldier's 
tent with us, and so lie in the fields, the weather 
being very warm, and no danger from taking cold. 
I say, as many did, because several did so at last, 
especially those who had been in the armies, in the 
war which had not been many years past ; and I 
must needs say, that, speaking of second causes, had 
most of the people that travelled, done so, the 
plague had not been carried into so many country 
towns and houses, as it was, to the great damage, 
and indeed to the ruin of abundance of people. 

But then my servant, who I had intended to take 
down with me, deceived me, and being frighted at 
the increase of the distemper, and not knowing 
when I should go, he took other measures, and left 
me, so I was put off for that time ; and one way or 
other, I always found that to appoint to go away, 
was always crossed by some accident or other, so 
as to disappoint and put it off again ; and this brings 
in a story which otherwise might be thought a 
needless digression, viz. about these disappoint- 
ments being from heaven. 



12 THE HISTORY OF 

It came very warmly into my mind, one morning, 
as I was musing on this particular thing, that as 
nothing attended us without the direction or per- 
mission of Divine Power, so these disappointments 
must have something in them extraordinary ; and 
I ought to consider whether it did not evidently 

/point out, or intimate to me, that it was the will of 
Heaven I should not go. It immediately followed 
in my thoughts, that if it really was from God, that 
I should stay ; he was able effectually to preserve 
me in the midst of all the death and danger that 
^, J would surround me ; and that if I attempted to 
\ secure myself by fleeing from my habitation, and 
^ acted contrary to these intimations, which I believed 
to be divine, it was a kind of flying from God, and 
that he could cause his justice to overtake me when 
and where he thought fit. 

These thoughts quite turned my resolutions again, 
and when I came to discourse with my brother 
again, I told him, that I inclined to stay and take 
my lot in that station, in which God had placed 
me ; and that it seemed to be made more espe- 
cially my duty, on the account of what I have 
said. 

My brother, though a very religious man him- 
self, laughed at all I had suggested about its being 
an intimation from heaven, and told me several 
stories of such foolhardy people, as he called them, 
as I was ; that I ought indeed to submit to it as a 
work of heaven, if I had been any way disabled 
by distempers or diseases, and that then not being 
able to go, I ought to acquiesce in the direction of 
Him, who, having been my Maker, had an undis- 
puted right of sovereignty in disposing of me ; and 
that then there had been no difficulty to determine 
which was the call of his providence, and which 
was not : but that I should take it as an intimation 



rdlA.i ""^^Ai? /CXAA^V 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 13 

from heaven, that I should not go out of town^ 
onljlbecause I could ^'^^^j^J^^.^or^eJlL gSjjp^^J^ 
fellow was run away that was to attend rne, was 
ridiculous, since at the same time I had my health 
and limbs, and other servants, and might, with 
ease travel ajday or two on foot, and having a 
good certificate of being in perfect health, might 
either hire a horse, or take post on the road, as I 
thought fit. 

Then he proceeded to tell me of the mischievous 
consequences which attended the presumption of 
the Turks and Mahometans in Asia, and in other 
places, where he had been (for my brother being 
a merchant, was a few years before, as I have al- 
ready observed, returned from abroad, coming last 
from Lisbon), and how, presuming upon their pro- 
fessed predestinating notions, and of every man's 
end being predetermined, and unalterably before- 
hand decreed, they would go unconcerned into 
infected places, and converse with infected persons, 
by which means they died at the rate of ten or fif- 
teen thousand a week, whereas the Europeans, or 
Christian merchants, who kept themselves retired 
and reserved, generally escaped the contagion. 

Upon these arguments my brother changed my 
resolutions again, and I began to resolve to go, 
and accordingly made all things ready ; for, in short, 
the infection increased round me, and the bills 
were risen to almost seven hundred a week, and 
my brother told me, he would venture to stay no 
longer. I desired him to let me consider of it but 
till the next day, and I would resolve ; and as I had 
already prepared everything as well as I could, as 
to my business, and who to intrust my affairs with, 
I had little to do but to resolve. 

I went home that evening greatly oppressed in 
my mind, irresolute, and not knowing what to do. 



J 4 THE HISTORY OF 

I had set the evening wholly apart to consider 
seriously about it, and was all alone ; for already 
people had, as it were by a general consent, taken 
up the custom of not going out of doors after sun- 
set, the reasons I shall have occasion to say more of 
by and by. 

In the retirement of this evening I endeavoured 
to resolve first, what was my duty to do, and I 
stated the arguments with which my brother had 
pressed me to go into the country, and I set against 
them the strong impressions which I had on my 
mind for staying ; the visible call I seemed to have 
from the particular circumstance of my calling, 
and the care due from me for the preservation of 
my effects, which were, as I might say, my estate : 
also the intimations which I thought I had from 
heaven, that to me signified a kind of direction to 
venture, and it occured to me, that if I had what 
I call a direction to stay, I ought to suppose it con- 
tained a promise of being preserved, if 1 obeyed. 

This lay close to me, and my mind seemed more 
and more encouraged to stay than ever, and sup- 
ported with a secret satisfaction, that I should be 
kept. Add to this, that turning over the Bible, 
which lay before me, and while my thoughts were 
more than ordinary serious upon the question, I 
cried out, Well, I know not what to do, Lord di- 
rect me ! and the like ; and that juncture I hap- 
pened to stop turning over the book, at the 91st 
Psalm, and casting my eye on the second verse, I 
read to the seventh verse exclusive ; and after that, 
included the 10th, as follows : — " I will say of the 
Lord, he is my refuge, and my fortress, my God, 
in him will I trust. Surely he shall deliver thee 
from the snare of the fowler, and from the noisome 
pestilence. He shall cover thee with his feathers, 
and under his wings shalt thou trust : his truth 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 15 

shall be thy shield and buckler. Thou shalt not 
be afraid for the terror by night, nor for the arrow 
that flieth by day : nor for the pestilence that 
walketh in darkness, nor for the destruction that 
wasteth at noon-day. A thousand shall fall at thy 
side, and ten thousand at thy right hand ; but it 
shall not come nigh thee. Only with thine eyes 
shalt thou behold and see the reward of the wicked. 
Because thou hast made the Lord which is my 
refuge, even the most high, thy habitation : there 
shall no evil befall thee, neither shall any plague 
come nigh thy dwelling," &c. 

I scarce need tell the reader, that from that 
moment I resolved thaj; I would-.sjtay in the town, 
and c a sting-my^elf- entirely upon the goodness and 
protection of the Almighty, would not seek any 
other shelter whatever ; and that as my times were 
in his hands, he was as able to keep me in a time of 
tfee infection, as in a time of health ; and if he did 
not think fit to deliver me, still I v/as in his hands, 
and it was meet he should do with me as should 
seem good to him. 

With this resolution I went to bed ; and I was 
further confirmed in it the next day, by the woman 
being taken ill with whom I had intended to in- 
trust my house and all my affairs. But I had a 
further obligation laid on me on the same side, for 
the next day I found myself very much out of order 
also ; so that if I would have gone away, I could 
not, and I continued ill three or four days, and this 
entirely determined my stay ; so I took my leave 
of my brother, who went away to Dorking, in 
Surry, and afterwards fetched a round further into 
Buckinghamshire, or Bedfordshire, to a retreat he 
had found out there for his family. 

It was a very ill time to be sick in, for if any 
one complained, it was immediately said he had the 



16 THE HISTORY OF 

plague ; and though I had indeed no symptoms of 
that distemper, yet being very ill, both in my head 
and in my stomach, I was not without apprehen- 
sion, that I really was infected, but in about three 
days I grew better, the third night I rested well, 
sweated a little, and was much refreshed ; the ap- 
prehensions of its being the infection went also 
quite away with my illness, and I went about my 
business as usual. 

These things however put off all my thoughts of 
going into the country ; and my brother also being 
gone, I had no more debate either with him, or 
with myself, on that subject. 

It was now mid July, and the plague, which had 
chiefly raged at the other end of the town, and as 
I said before, in the parishes of St. Giles's, St. 
Andrew's, Holborn, and towards Westminster, be- 
gan now to come eastward, towards the part where 
I lived. It was to be observed indeed, that it did 
not come straight on towards us ; for the city, 
that is to say within the walls, was indifferent 
healthy still ; nor was it got then very much over 
the water into South wark ; for though there died 
that week 1268 of all distempers, whereof it might 
be supposed above nine hundred died of the plague ; 
yet there was but twenty-eight in the whole city, 
within the walls, and but nineteen in Southwark, 
Lambeth parish included ; whereas in the parishes 
,of St Giles, and St Martin's in the Fields alone, 

lere died four hundred and twenty-one. 

'But we perceived the infection kept chiefly in 
the out parishes, which being very populous, and 
-^|uller also of poor, the distemper found more to 

;;fey-upon^than in the city, as I shall observe after- 
wamuwe perceived, I say, the distemper to draw 
our wa5>.iijiz. by the parishes of Clerkenwell, 
'I Cttppiggate, SRoffeditch, and Bishopsgate ; which 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 17 

last two parishes joining to Aldgate, Whitechapel, 
and Stepney, the infection came at length to spread 
its utmost rage and violence in those parts, even 
when it abated at the western parishes where it 
began. 

It was very strange to observe, that in this par- 
ticular week, from the 4th to the 11th of July, 
when, as I have observed, there died near four 
hundred of the plague in the two parishes of St. 
Martin's, and St. Giles's in the Fields only, there 
died in the parish of Aldgate but four, in the parish 
of Whitechapel three, in the parish of Stepney but 
one. 

Likewise in the next week, from the 11th of 
July to the 18th, when the week's bill was 1761, yet 
there died no more of the plague, on the whole 
South wark side of the water, than sixteen. 

But this face of things soon changed, and it 
began to thicken in Cripplegate parish especially, 
and in Clerkenwell ; so that by the second week in 
August, Cripplegate parish alone, buried eight hun- 
dred and eighty-six, and Clerkenwell one hundred 
and fifty-five ; of the first, eight hundred and fifty 
might well be reckoned to die of the plague ; and 
of the last, the bill itself said, one hundred anc 
forty-five were of the plague. 

During the month of July, and while, as I have 
observed, our part of the town seemed to be spared 
in comparison of the west part, I went ordinarily 
about the streets, as my business required, and par- 
ticularly went generally once in a day, or in two 
days, into the city, to my brother's house, which he 
had given me charge of, and to see it was safe ; and 
having the key in my pocket, I used to go into the 
house, and over most of the rooms, to see that all 
was well ; for though it be something wonderful to 
tell, that any should have hearts so hardened, in 

PLAGUE. C 



18 THE HISTORY OF 

the midst of such a calamity, as to rob and steal ; 
yet certain it is, that all sorts of villanies, and even 
levities and debaucheries, were then practised in the 
town, as openly as ever, I will not say quite as fre- 
quently, because the number of people were many 
ways lessened. 

But the city itself began now to be visited too, I 
mean within the walls ; but the number of people 
there were, indeed, extremely lessened, by so great 
a multitude having been gone into the country ; 
and even all this month of July, they continued to 
flee, though not in such multitudes as formerly. In 
August indeed, they fled in such a manner, that I 
began to think there would be really none but 
magistrates and servants left in the city. 

As they fled now out of the city, so I should ob- 
serve, that the court removed early, viz. in the 
month of June, and went to Oxford, where it pleased 
God to preserve them ; and the distemper did not, 
as I heard of, so much as touch them ; for which I 
cannot say, that I ever saw they showed any great 
token of thankfulness, and hardly anything of re- 
formation, though they did not want being told that 
their crying vices might, without breach of charity, 
be said to have gone far, in bringing that terrible 
judgment upon the whole nation. 

The face of London was now indeed strangely 
altered, I mean the whole mass of buildings, city, 
liberties, suburbs, Westminster, Southwark, and 
altogether ; for, as to the particular part called the 
city, or within the walls, that was not yet much 
infected ; but in the whole, the face of things, I say, 
was much altered ; sorrow and sadness sat upon 
every face, and though some part were not yet 
overwhelmed, yet all looked deeply concerned ; and 
as we saw it apparently coming on, so every one 
looked on himself, and his family, as in the utmost 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 19 

danger: were it possible to represent those times 
exactly, to those that did not see them, and give 
the reader due ideas of the horror that everywhere 
presented itself, it must make just impressions upon 
their minds, and fill them with surprise. London 
might well be said to be all in tears ; the mourners 
did not go about the streets indeed, for nobody put 
on black, or made a formal dress of mourning for 
their nearest friends ; but the voice of mourning 
was truly heard in the streets ; the shrieks of 
women and children at the windows and doors of 
their houses, where their nearest relations were, 
perhaps dying, or just dead, were so frequent to be 
heard, as we passed the streets, that it was enough 
to pierce the stoutest heart in the world to hear 
them. Tears and lamentations were seen almost 
in every house, especTalt}rin'^c!ie~^rst p^^ 
risi ration; for towards the latter end, men's hearts 
were hardened, and death was so always before _„ 
^heir eyes, that they did not so much concern them- . 
"selves for the loss of their friends, expecting that" '* 
themselves should be summoned the next hour. 

Business led me out sometimes to the other end 
of the town, even when the sickness was chiefly 
there ; and as the thing was new to me, as well as 
to everybody else, it was a most surprising thing 
to seethose^T^ets, which were usually so thronged, 
a(iw_^.o.wii desolate, and so few people to be seen 
411 them, that if I had been a stranger, and at a loss 
for my way, I might sometimes have gone the 
length of a whole street, I mean of the by-streets, 
and see nobody to direct me, except watchmen set 
at the doors of such houses as were shut up; of 
which I shall speak presently. 

One day, being at that part of the town, on some 
special business, curiosity led me to observe things 
more than usually ; and indeed I walked a great 

c2 



20 THE HISTORY OF 

way where I had no business ; I went up Holborn, 
and there the street was full of people ; but they 
walked in the middle of the great street, neither on 
one side or other, because, as I suppose, they would 
not mingle with anybody that came out of houses, 
or meet with smells and scents from houses that 
might be infected. 

The inns of court were all shut up, nor were very 
many of the lawyers in the Temple, or Lincoln's- 
inn, or Gray's-inn, to be seen there. Everybody 
was at peace, there was no occasion for lawyers; 
besides, it being in the time of the vacation too, 
they were generally gone into the country. Whole 
rows of houses in some places, were shut close up, 
the inhabitants all fled, and only a watchman or two 
left. 

When I speak of rows of houses being shut up, I 
do not mean shut up by the magistrates ; but that 
great numbers of persons followed the court, by the 
necessity of their employments, and other depen- 
dencies ; and as others retired, really frighted with 
the distemper, it was a mere desolating of some of 
tlie streetsTT^ut the fright was not yet near so great 
in the city, abstractedly so called ; and particularly 
because, though they were at first in a most inex- 
pressible consternation, yet, as I have observed, that 
the distemper intermitted often at first, so they 
were as it were alarmed, and unalarmed again, and 
this several times, till it began to be familiar to 
them ; and that even when it appeared violent, yet 
seeing it did not presently spread into the city, or 
the east or south parts, the people began to take 
courage, and to be, as I may say, a little hardened. 
It is true, a vast many people fled, as I have ob- 
served, yet they were chiefly from the west end of 
the town, and from that we call the heart of the 
city, that is to say, among the wealthiest of the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 21 

people ; and such persons as were unincumbered 
with trades and business. But of the rest, the 
generality stayed, and seemed to abide the worst ; 
so that in the place we call the liberties, and in the 
suburbs, in Southwark, and in the east part, such 
as \yapping, RatclifF, Stepney, Rotherhithe, and the 
like, the people generally stayed, except here and 
there a few wealthy families, who, as above, did not 
depend upon their business. 

It must not be forgot here, that the city and 
suburbs were prodigiously full of people at the time 
of this visitation, I mean at the time that it began; 
for though I have lived to see a further increase, 
and mighty throngs of people settling in London, 
more than ever ; yet we had always a notion that 
numbers of people, which, the wars being over, the 
armies disbanded, and the royal family and the 
monarchy being restored, had flocked to London to 
settle in business, or to depend upon, and attend 
the court for rewards of services, preferments, and 
the like, was such, that the town was computed to 
have in it above a hundred thousand people more 
than ever it held before ; nay, some took upon them 
to say, it had twice as many, because all the ruined 
families of the royal party flocked hither ; all the 
soldiers set up trades here, and abundance of families 
settled here ; again, the court brought with it a 
great flux of pride and new fashions ; all people 
were gay and luxurious, and the joy of the restora- 
tion had brought a vast many families to London. 

But I must go back again to the beginning of this , 
surprising time ; while the fears of the people were 
young, they were increased strangely by several odd 
accidents, which put altogether, it was really a 
wonder the whole body of the people did not rise 
as one man and abandon their dwellings, leaving 
the place as a space of ground_(iesigned by heaven^ 




22 THE HISTORY OF 

for aiLAkeldama,.. doomed to be destroyed from the 
face of the earth, and that all that would be foiHid 
in it would perish with it. I shall name but a few 
of these things ; but sure they were so many, and 
so many wizards and cunning people propagating 
them, that I have often wondered there was any 
. (women especially) left behind. 
I In the first place, a blazing star or comet ap- 
peared for several months before the plague, as 
there did the year after another, a little before the 
fire ; the old women, and the phlegmatic hypocon- 
driac part of the other sex, whom I could almost 
call old women too, remarked, especially afterward, 
though not till both those judgments were over, 
that those two comets passed directly over the city, 
and that so tefy near the houses, that it was plain 
they imported something peculiar to the city alone. 
That the comet before the pestilence was of a faint, 
dull, languid colour, and its motion very heavy, 
solemn, and slow ; but, that the comet before the 
fire, was bright and sparkling, or, as others said, 
flaming, and its motion swift andJurious, and that, 
accordingly, one foretold' a heavy judgment slow 
but severe, terrible, and frightful, as was the plague. 
But the other foretold a stroke, sudden, swift, and 
fiery, as was the conflagration ; nay, so particular 
some people were, that as they looked upon that 
comet preceding the fire, they fancied that they not 
only saw it pass swiftly and fiercely, and could per- 
ceive the motion with their eye, but even they 
heard it, that it made a rushing mighty noise, fierce 
and terrible, though at a distance, and but just per- 
ceivable. 

I saw both these stars, and I must confess, had 
had so much of the common notion of such things 
in my head, that I was apt to look upon them as 
the forerunners and warnings of God's judgments, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 23 

and especially when the plague had followed the 
first, I yet saw another of the like kind, I could not 
but say, God had not yet sufficiently scourged the 
city. 

The apprehensions of the people were likewise 
strangely increased by the error of the times, in 
which, I think, the people, from what principle I 
cannot imagine, were more addicted to prophecies, 
and astrological conjurations, dreams, and old wives' 
tales, than ever they were before or since : whether 
this unhappy temper was originally raised by the 
follies of some people who got money by it, that is 
to say, by printing predictions and prognostications, 
I know not ; but certain it is, books frighted them 
terribly ; such as Lily's Almanack, Gadbury's Astro- 
logical Predictions; Po'dr Robin's Almanack, and the 
like ; also several pretended religious books, one 
entitled. Come out of Her my People, lest ye be 
partaker of her Plagues ; another called, Fair 
Warning; another, Britain's Remembrancer, and 
many such ; all, or most part of which, foretold 
directly or covertly, the ruin of the city : nay, some 
were so enthusiastically bold, as to run about the 
streets with their oral predictions, pretending they 
were sent to preach to the city ; and one in parti- 
cular, who like Jonah to Nineveh, cried in the 
streets. Yet forty days, and London shall be 
destroyed. I will not be positive, whether he said 
yet forty days, or yet a few days. Another ran 
about naked, except a pair of drawers about his 
waist, crying day and night, like a man that Jose- 
phus mentions, who cried. Woe to Jerusalem ! a 
little before the destruction of that city : so this 
poor naked creature cried, O ! the great, and the 
dreadful God ! and said no more, but repeated those 
words continually, with a voice and countenance 
full of horror, a swift pace, and nobody could ever 



24 THE HISTORY OF 

find him to stop, or rest, or take any sustenance, at 
least that ever I could hear of. I met this poor 
creature several times in the streets, and would 
have spoke to him, but he would not enter into 
speech with me, or any one else ; but kept on his 
lismal cries continually. 

These things terrified the people to the last de- 
gree ; and especially when two or three times, as I 
have mentioned already, they found one or two in 
the bills, dead of the plague at St. Giles's. 
- Next to these public things, were the dreams of 
^-old women ; or, I should say, the interpretation of 
-old women upon other people's dreams ; and these 
put abundance of people even out of their wits. 
~Se»i€4ieard voices warning them to be gone, for 
"that there would be such a plague in London, so 
that the living would not be able to bury the dead ; 
others saw apparitions in the air, and I must be 
allowed to say of both, I hope without breach of 
charity, that they heard voices that never spake, 
and saw sights that never appeared ; but the ima- 
gination of the people was really turned wayward 
and possessed ; and no wonder if they who were 
poring continually at the clouds, saw shapes and 
figures, representations and appearances, which 
had nothing in them but air and vapour. Here 
they told us they saw a flaming sword held in a 
hand, coming out of a cloud, with a point hanging 
directly over the city. There they saw hearses 
and coffins in the air carrying to be buried. And 
there again, heaps of dead bodies lying unburied 
and the like ; just as the imagination of the poor 
terrified people furnished them with matter to work 
upon. 

So hypocondriac fancies represent 
Ships, armies, battles, in the firmament ; 



THE PLAGUE IX LONDON. 25 

Till steady eyes the exhalations solve, 
And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve. 

I could fill this account with the strange rela- 
tions such people give every day of what they have 
seen ; and every one was so positive of their hav- 
ing seen what they pretended to see, that there 
was no contradicting them, without breach of friend- 
ship, or being accounted rude and unmannerly on 
the one hand, and profane and impenetrable on 
the other. One time before the plague was begun, 
otherwise than as I have said in St. Giles's, I think 
it was in March, seeing a crowd of people in the 
street, I joined with them to satisfy my curiosity, 
and found them all staring up into the air to see 
what a woman told them appeared plain to her, 
which was an angel clothed in white, with a fiery 
sword in his hand, waving it or brandishing it over 
his head. She described every part of the figure to 
the life, showed them the motion and the form, and 
the poor people came into it so eagerly and with so 
much readiness : Yes ! I see it all plainly, says one, 
there's the sword as plain as can be ; another saw 
the angel ; one saw his very face, and cried out, 
What a glorious creature he was! One saw one 
thing, and one another. I looked as earnestly as 
the rest, but, perhaps, not with so much willingness 
to be imposed upon ; and I said indeed, that I 
could see nothing but a white cloud, bright on one 
side, by the shining of the sun upon the other part. 
The woman endeavoured to show it me, but could 
not make me confess that I saw it, which, indeed, 
if I had, I must have lied : but the woman turning 
to me looked me in the face and fancied I laughed, 
in which her imagination deceived her too, for I 
really did not laugh, but was seriously reflecting 
how the poor people were terrified by the force 



26 THE HISTORY OF 

of their own imagination. However, she turned 
to me, called me profane fellow, and a scoffer, 
told me that it was a time of God's anger, and 
dreadful judgments were approaching, and that 
despisers, such as I, should wander and perish. 

The people about her seemed disgusted as well as 
she, and I found there was no persuading them that 
I did not laugh at them, and that I should be rather 
mobbed by them than be able to undeceive them. 
So I left them, and this appearance passed for as 
real as the blazing star itself. 

Another encounter I had in the open day also ; 
and this was in going through a narrow passage 
'^^'^Irom Petty-France into Bishopsgate churchyard, 
""^ by a row of almshouses ; there are two church- 
yards to Bishopsgate church or parish, one we go 
over to pass from the place called Petty-France 
into Bishopsgate-street, coming out just by the 
church door, the other is on the side of the narrow 
passage where the almshouses are on the left, and 
a dwarf wall with a palisade on it on the right 
hand, and the city wall on the other side more to 
the right. 

In this narrow passage stands a man looking 
through the palisades into the burying-place, and 
as many people as the narrowness of the place 
would admit to stop without hindering the passage 
of others, and he was talking mighty eagerly to 
them, and pointing now to one place, then to ano- 
ther, and affirming that he saw a ghost walking 
upon such a gravestone there; he described the 
shape, the posture, and the movement of it so ex- 
actly, that it was the greatest amazement to him in 
the world that everybody did not see it as well as 
he. On a sudden he would cry. There it is ! Now 
it comes this way ! then, 'Tis turned back ! till at 
length he persuaded the people into so firm a be- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 27 

lief of it, that one fancied he saw it ; and thus he 
came every day making a strange hubbub, consi- 
dering it was so narrow a passage, till Bishopsgate 
clock struck eleven, and then the ghost would seem 
to start, and, as if he were called away, disappeared 
on a sudden. 

I looked earnestly every way and at the very mo- 
ment that this man directed, but could not see the 
least appearance of anything, but so positive was 
this poor man that he gave them vapours in abun- 
dance, and sent them away trembling and frightened, 
till at length few people that knew of it cared to go 
through that passage, and hardly anybody by night 
on any account whatever. 

This ghost, as the poor man affirmed, made signs 
to the houses, and to the ground, and to the peo- 
ple, plainly intimating, or else they so understand- 
ing it, that abundance of people should come to 
be buried in that churchyard, as indeed happened, 
but then he saw such aspects, I must acknowledge 
I never believed, nor could I see anything of it 
myself, though I looked most earnestly to see it if 
possible. 

Some endeavours were used to suppress the 
printing of such books as terrified the people, and 
to frighten the dispersers of them, some of whom 
were taken up, but nothing done in it, as I am in- 
formed, the government being unwilling to exaspe- 
rate the people, who were, as I may say, all out of 
their wits already. 

Neither can I acquit those ministers, that, in their 
sermons, rather sunk than lifted up the hearts of 
their hearers, many of them I doubt not did it for 
the strengthening the resolution of the people, and 
especially for quickening them to repentance ; but 
it certainly answered not their end, at least not in 
proportion to the injury it did another way. 



28 THE HISTORY OF 

One mischief always introduces another ; these 
terrors and apprehensions of the people led them to 
a thousand weak, foolish, and wicked things, which 
they wanted not a sort of people really wicked to ' 
encourage them to, and this was running about to 
fortune-tellers, cunning men, and astrologers, to 
know their fortunes, or, as it is vulgarly expressed, 
to have their fortunes told them, their nativities 
calculated, and the like, and this folly presently 
made the town swarm with a wicked generation of 
pretenders to magic, to the black art, as they 
called it, and I know not what; nay, to a thousand 
■worse dealings with the devil than they were really 
guilty of, and this trade grew so open and so gene- 
rally practised that it became common to have signs 
and inscriptions set up at doors. Here lives a fortune- 
teller ; Here lives an astrologer ; Here you may have 
your nativity calculated; and the like; and friar 
Bacon's brazen-head, which was the usual sign of 
these people's dwellings, was to be seen almost in 
every street, or else the sign of Mother Shipton, or 
of Merlin's head, and the like. 

With what blind, absurd, and ridiculous stuff 
these oracles of the devil pleased and satisfied the 
people, T really know not, but certain it is, that in- 
numerable attendants crowded about their doors 
every day ; and if but a grave fellow in a velvet 
jacket, a band, and a black cloak, which was the 
habit those quack-conjurors generally went in, was 
but seen in the streets, the people would follow them 
in crowds and ask them questions as they went 
along. 

The case of poor servants was very dismal, as I 
shall have occasion to mention again, by and by; 
for it was apparent a prodigious number of them 
would be turned away, and it was so, and of them 
abundance perished, and particularly those whom 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 29 

these false prophets flattered with hopes that they 
should be kept in their services and carried with 
their masters and mistresses into the country ; and 
had not public charity provided for these poor crea- 
tures, whose number was exceeding great, and in all 
cases of this nature must be so, they would have 
been in the worst condition of any people in the 
city. 

These things agitated the minds of the common 
people for many months while the first apprehen- 
sions were upon them, and while the plague was 
not, as I may say, yet broken out ; but I must also 
not forget that the more serious part of the inhabit- 
ants behaved after another manner ; the govern- 
ment encouraged their devotion, and appointed 
public prayers and days of fasting and humiliation, 
to make public confession of wsin, and implore the 
mercy of God, to avert the dreadful judgment 
which hangs over their heads ; and, it is not to be 
expressed with what alacrity the people of all per- 
suasions embraced the occasion, how they flocked 
to the churches and meetings, and they were all so 
thronged that there was often no coming near, even 
to the very doors of the largest churches : also, 
there were daily prayers appointed morning and 
evening at several churches, and days of private 
praying at other places, at all which, the people at- 
tended, I say, with an uncommon devotion ; several 
private families also, as well of one opinion as ano- 
ther, kept family fasts, to which they admitted their 
near relations only ; so that, in a word, those peo- 
ple who were really serious and religious, applied 
themselves in a truly Christian manner to the pro- 
per work of repentance and humiliation, as a Chris- 
tian people ought to do. 

Again, the public showed that they would bear 
their share in these things ; the very court, which 



30 THE HISTORY OF 

was then gay and luxurious, put on a face of just 
concern for the public danger. All the plays and 
interludes, which, after the manner of the French 
court, had been set up and began to increase among 
us, were forbid to act ; the gaming-tables, public 
dancing rooms, and music houses, which multiplied 
and began to debauch the manners of the people, 
were shut up and suppressed; and the jack-puddings, 
merry-andrews, puppet-shows, rope-dancers, and 
such-like doings, which had bewitched the common 
people, shut their shops, finding indeed no trade, 
for the minds of the people were agitated wdth other 
things, and a kind of sadness and horror at these 
things sat upon the countenances even of the 
common people ; death was before their eyes, and 
everybody began to think of their graves, not of 
mirth and diversions. 

But even these wholesome reflections, which, 
rightly managed, would have most happily led the 
people to fall upon their knees, make confession of 
their sins, and look up to their merciful Saviour for 
pardon, imploring his compassion on them in such 
a time of their distress, by which we might have 
been as a second Nineveh, had a quite contrary ex- 
treme in the common people ; who, ignorant and 
stupid in their reflections, as they were brutishly 
wicked and thoughtless before, were now led by 
their fright to extremes of folly ; and, as I said before, 
that they ran to conjurers and witches and all sorts 
of deceivers, to know what should become of them, 
who fed their fears and kept them always alarmed 
and awake, on purpose to delude them and pick 
their' pockets, so they were as mad upon their 
running after quacks and mountebanks, and every 
practising old woman for medicines and remedies, 
storing themselves with such multitudes of pills, 
potions, and preservatives, as they were called, that 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON, 31 

they not only spent their money but poisoned them- 
selves beforehand for fear of the poison of the in- 
fection, and prepared their bodies for the plague 
instead of preserving them against it. On the 
other hand, it was incredible, and scarce' to be 
imagined, how the posts of houses and corners of 
streets were plastered over with doctors' bills, and 
papers of ignorant fellows quacking and tampering 
in j)hysic, and inviting people to come to them for 
remedies, wliich was generally set <>ff -with' s'uclT 
flourishes as these, viz. Infallible preventitive pills 
against the plague. Never-failing preservatives 
against the infection. Sovereign cordials against the" 
corruption of air. Exact regulations for the conduct 
brtlie body in case of infection. Antipestilential 
pills. Incomparable drink against the plague, never 
found out before. An universal remedy for the 
plague. The only true plague-water. The royal 
antidote against all kinds of infection : and such 
a number more that I cannot reckon up, and if I 
could, would fill a book of themselves to set them 
down. 

Others set up bills to summon people to their 
lodgings for direction and advice in the case of in- 
fection; these had specious titles also, such as 
these : 

An eminent High-Dutch physician, newly come 
over from Holland, where he resided during all 
the time of the great plague, last year, in 
Amsterdam, and cured multitudes of people 
that actually had the plague upon them. 

An Italian gentlewoman just arrived from Naples, 
having a choice secret to prevent infection, 
which she found out by her great experience, 
and did wonderful cures with it in the late 



32 THE HISTORY OP 

plague there, wherein there died 20,000 in one 
day. 

An ancient gentlewoman having practised with 
great success in the late plague in this city, 
anno 1636, gives her advice only to the female 
sex. To be spoken with, &c. 

An experienced physician, who has long studied 
the doctrine of antidotes against all sorts of 
poison and infection, has, after forty years' 
practice, arrived at such skill as may, with 
God's blessing, direct persons how to prevent 
being touched by any contagious distemper 
whatsoever. He directs the poor gratis. 

I take notice of these by way of specimen ; I 
could give you two or three dozen of the like, and 
yet have abundance left behind. It is sufficient 
from these to apprise any one of the humour of 
those times, and how a set of thieves and pick- 
pockets not only robbed and cheated the poor 
people of their money, but poisoned their bodies 
with odious and fatal preparations ; some with 
mercury, and some with other things as bad, per- 
fectly remote from the thing pretended to, and 
rather hurtful than serviceable to the body in case 
an infection followed. 

I cannot omit a subtlety of one of those quack- 
operators with which he gulled the poor people to 
crowd about him, but did nothing for them without 
money. He had, it seems, added to his bills, which 
he gave out in the streets, this advertisement in 
capital letters, viz. He gives advice to the poor for 
nothing. 

Abundance of people came to him accordingly, 
to whom he made a great many fine speeches, ex- 
amined them of the state of their health, and of the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 33 

constitution of their bodies, and told them many 
good things to do which were of no great moment ; 
but the issue and conclusion of all was, that he had 
a preparation, which, if they took such a quantity 
of, every morning, he would pawn his life that they 
should never have the plague, no, though they lived 
in the house with people that were infected. This 
made the people all resolve to have it, but then, the 
price of that was so much, I think it was half- 
a-crown ; But, sir, says one poor woman, I am a 
poor almswoman, and am kept by the parish, and 
your bills say, you give the poor your help for 
nothing. Ay, good woman, says the doctor, so I 
do, as I published there, I give my advice, but not 
my physic ! Alas, sir, says she, that is a snare laid 
for the poor then, for you give them your advice for 
nothing ; that is to say, you advise them gratis, to 
buy your physic for their money, so does every 
shopkeeper with his wares. Here the woman 
began to give him ill words, and stood at his door 
all that day, telling her tale to all the people that 
came, till the doctor, finding she turned away his 
customers, was obliged to call her up stairs again 
and give her his box of physic for nothing, which, 
perhaps too, was good for nothing when she had it. 

But, to return to the people, whose confusions 
fitted them to be imposed upon by all sorts of pre- 
tenders and by every mountebank. There is no 
doubt but these quacking sort of fellows raised great 
gains out of the miserable people, for we daily found 
the crowds that ran after them were infinitely greater, 
and their doors were more thronged than those of 
Dr. Brooks, Dr. Upton, Dr. Hodges, Dr. Berwick, or 
any, though the most famous men of the time ; and 
I was told that some of them got 5/. a day by their 
physic. 

But there was still another madness beyond all 

PLAGUE. D 



34 THE HISTORY OP 

this, which may serve to give an idea of the dis- 
tracted humour of the poor people at that time, and 
this was their following a worse sort of deceivers 
than any of these, for these petty thieves only de- 
luded them to pick their pockets and get their 
money, in which their wickedness, whatever it was, 
lay chiefly on the side of the deceiver's deceiving, 
not upon the deceived ; but in this part I am going 
to mention, it lay chiefly in the people deceived, or 
equally in both ; and this was in wearing charms, 
philters, exorcisms, amulets, and I know not what 
preparations to fortify the body against the plague, 
as if the plague was not the hand of God, but a 
kind of a possession of an evil spirit, and it was to 
be kept off with crossings, signs of the zodiac, papers 
tied up with so many knots, and certain words or 
figures written on them, as particularly, the word 
Abracadabra, formed in triangle or pyramid, thus : 

ABRACADABRA 
ABRACADABR Others had the Jesuits' 



ABRACADAB mark in a cross 

I H 

S 



ABRACADA 

ABRACAD 

ABRACA 

ABRAC 

ABRA Others had nothing but this 

'^P^ mark, thus : 

+ 



AB 
A 



A might spend a great deal of my time in excla- 
mations against the follies, and indeed the wicked- 
/nesses of those things, in a time of such danger, in 
1 a matter of such consequence as this of a national 
\infection; but my memorandums of these things 
Velate rather to take notice of the fact, and mention 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 35 

only that it was so. How tlie poor people found the 
insufficiency of those things, and how many of them 
were afterwards carried away in the dead-carts, 
and thrown into the common graves of every parish 
with these hellish charms and trumpery hanging 
about their necks, remains to be spoken of as we go 
along. 

All this was the effect of the hurry the people 
were in, after the first notion of the plague being at 
hand, was among them, and which may be said to 
be from about Michaelmas, 1664, but more parti- 
cularly after the two men died in St. Giles's in the 
beginning of December ; and again after another 
alarm in February, for when the plague evidently 
spread itself, they soon began to see the folly of 
trusting to these unperforming creatures, who had 
gulled them of their money, and then their fears 
worked another way, namely, to amazement and 
stupidity, not knowing what course to take or what 
to do, either to help or to relieve themselves, but 
they ran about from one neighbour's house to 
another, and even in the streets, from one door to 
another with repeated cries of, Lord have mercy 
upon us, what shall we do ? 

I am supposing now, the plague to have begun, as I 
-iave said, and that the magistrates began to take the 
condition of the people into their serious considera- 
tion ; what they did as to the regulation of the in- 
habitants, and of infected families I shall speak to 
by itself; but, as to the affair of health, it is proper 
to mention here, my having seen the fooUsh humour 
of the people in running after quacks, mountebanks, 
wizards, and fortune-tellers, which they did as 
above even to madness. The lord mayor, a very 
sober and religious gentleman, appointed physicians 
and surgeons for the relief of the poor, I mean the 

j)2 



36 THE HISTORY OF 

diseased poor,' and, in particular, ordered the col- 
lege of physicians to publish directions for cheap 
remedies for the poor in all the circumstances of 
the distemper. This indeed was one of the most 
charitable and judicious things that could be done 
at that time, for this drove the people from haunt- 
ing the doors of every disperser of bills, and from 
taking down blindly and without consideration, 
poison for physic, and death instead of life. 

This direction of the physicians was done by a 
consultation of the whole college, and as it was 
particularly calculated for the use of the poor, and 
for cheap medicines, it was made public, so that 
everybody might see it, and copies were given 
gratis to all that desired it : but as it is public and 
to be seen on all occasions, I need not give the 
reader of this the trouble of it. 

It remains to be mentioned now, what public 
measures were taken by the magistrates for the ge- 
neral safety, and to prevent the spreading of the 
distemper when it broke out ; I shall have frequent 
occasion to speak of the prudence of the magistrates, 
their charity, their vigilance for the poor, and for 
preserving good order, furnishing provisions, and 
the like, when the plague was increased as it after- 
wards was. But I am now upon the order and re- 
gulations which they published for the government 
of infected families. 

I mentiond above shutting of houses up, and it is 
needful to say something, particularly to that ; for 
this part of the history of the plague is very melan- 
choly ; but the most grievous story must be told. 

About June, the lord mayor of London, and the 
court of aldermen, as I have said, began more par- 
ticularly to concern themselves for the regulation of 
the city. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 37 

The justices of the peace for Middlesex, by di- 
rection of the secretary of state, had begun to shut 
up houses in the parishes of St. Giles's in the Fields, 
St. Martin's, St. Clement's Danes, &c., and it was 
with good success, for in several streets where the 
plague broke out, upon strict guarding the houses 
that were infected, and taking care to bury those 
that died as soon as they were known to be dead, 
the plague ceased in those streets. It was also ob- 
served that the plague decreased sooner in those 
parishes after they had been visited to the full, than 
it did in the parishes of Bishopsgate, Shoreditch, 
Aldgate, Whitechapel, Stepney, and others ; the 
early care taken in that manner being a great means 
to the putting a check to it. '"--^_ 

This shutting up of the houses was a method first 
taken, as I understand, in the plague which hap- 
pened in 1603, at the coming of king James I. to 
the crown, and the power of shutting people up in 
their own houses was granted by act of parliament, 
entitled. An jct for the charitable relief and order- 
ing of persons infected with plague. On which act 
of parliament, the lord mayor and aldermen of the 
city of London, founded the order they made at 
this time, and which took place the 1st of July, 1665, 
when the numbers of infected within the city were 
but few, the last bill for the ninety-two parishes 
being but four, and some houses having been shut 
up in the city, and some people being removed to 
the pesthouse beyond Bunhill-fields, in the way to 
Islington ; I say, by these means, when there died 
near one thousand a week in the whole, the num- 
ber in the city was but twenty-eight ; and the city 
was preserved more healthy in proportion, than any 
other place all the time of the infection. 

These orders of my lord mayor's were published, 



3287S 



38 THE HISTORY OF 

as I have said, the latter end of June, and took place 
from the 1st of July, and were as follow, viz. 



Orders conceived and published by the Lord 
Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, 

CONCERNING THE INFECTION OF THE PlAGUE ; 

1665. 

Whereas in the reign of our late sovereign king 
James, of happy memory, an act was made for the 
charitable relief and ordering of persons infected 
with the plague ; whereby authority was given to 
justices of the peace, mayors, bailiffs, and other 
head officers, to appoint within their several limits 
examiners, searchers, watchmen, keepers, and bu- 
riers, for the persons and places infected, and to 
minister unto them oaths for the performance of 
their offices ; and the same statute did also 
authorise the giving of their directions, as unto 
them for other present necessity should seem good 
in their discretions. It is now upon special con- 
sideration, thought very expedient for preventing 
and avoiding of infection of sickness, (if it shall 
please Almighty God,) that these officers following 
be appointed, and these orders hereafter duly ob- 
served. 

Examiners to be appointed to every Parish. 

First, it is thought requisite, and so ordered, that 
in every parish there be one, two, or more persons 
of good sort and credit chosen by the alderman, his 
deputy, and common-council of every ward, by the 
name of examiners, to continue in that office for the 
space of two months at least : and, if any fit person 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 39 

SO appointed, shall refuse to undertake the same, 
the said parties so refusing to be committed to 
prison until they shall conform themselves accord- 
ingly- 

The Examiner's office. 

That these examiners be sworn by the aldermen 
to inquire and learn from time to time what houses 
in every parish be visited, and what persons be 
sick, and of what diseases, as near as they can in- 
form themselves, and, upon doubt in that case, to 
command restraint of access until it appear what 
the disease shall prove ; and if they find any person 
sick of the infection, to give order to the constable 
that the house be shut up ; and if the constable 
shall be found remiss and negligent, to give notice 
thereof to the alderman of the ward. 



Watchme72. 

That to every infected house there be appointed 
two watchmen, one for every day and the other for 
the night, and that these watchmen have a special 
care that no person go in or out of such infected 
houses whereof they have the charge, upon pain of 
severe punishment. And the said watchmen to do 
such further offices as the sick house shall need 
and require ; and if the watchman be sent upon any 
business, to lock up the house and take the key 
with him ; and the watchman by day to attend un- 
til ten o'clock at night, and the watchman by night 
until six in the morning. 

Searchers. 
That there be a special care to appoint women- 



40 THE HISTORY OF 

searchers in every parish, such as are of honest re- 
putation, and of the best sort as can be got in this 
kind; and these to be sworn to make due search 
and true report to the utmost of their knowledge, 
whether the persons whose bodies they are ap- 
pointed to search do die of the infection, or of what 
other diseases, as near as they can ; and that the 
physicians who shall be appointed for the cure and 
prevention of the infection, do call before them the 
said searchers, who are, or shall be appointed for 
the several parishes under their respective cares, 
to the end they may consider whether they be fitly 
qualified for that employment, and charge them 
from time to time, as they shall see cause, if they ap- 
pear defective in their duties. 

That no searcher during this time of visitation, 
be permitted to use any public work or employ- 
ment, or keep a shop or stall, or be employed as a 
laundress, or in any other common employment 
whatsoever. 

Chirurgeo7is. 

For better assistance of the searchers, forasmuch 
as there has been heretofore great abuse in misre- 
porting the disease, to the further spreading of the 
infection, it is therefore ordered that there be cho- 
sen and appointed able and discreet chirurgeons be- 
sides those that do already belong to the pesthouse ; 
amongst whom the city and liberties to be quartered 
as they lie most apt and convenient, and every of 
these to have one quarter for his limit ; and the 
said chirurgeons in every of their limits to join with 
the searchers for the view of the body, to the end 
there may be a true report made of the disease. 

And further, that the said chirurgeons shall visit 
and search such like persons as shall either send for 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 41 

them, or be named and directed unto them by the 
examiners of every parish, and inform themselves 
of the disease of the said parties. 

And, forasmuch as the said chirurgeons are to be 
sequestered from all other cures, and kept only to 
this disease of the infection, it is ordered that 
every of the said chirurgeons shall have twelvepence 
a body searched by them, to be paid out of the goods 
of the party searched, if he be able, or otherwise by 
the parish. 

Nurse-keepers. 

If any nurse-keeper shall remove herself out of 
any infected house before twenty-eight days after 
the decease of any person dying of the infection, 
the house to which the said nurse-keeper doth so re- 
move herself, shall be shut up until the said twenty- 
eight days shall be expired. 



Orders concerning Infected Houses, and Per- 
sons SICK OF THE Plague. 

Notice to be given of the Sickness. 

The master of every house as soon as any one in his 
house complaineth, either of botch, or purple, or 
swelling in any part of his body, or faUeth otherwise 
dangerously sick without apparent cause of some 
other disease, shall give notice thereof to the exa- 
miner of health, within two hours after the said sign 
shall appear. 

Sequestration of the Sick. 
As soon as any man shall be found by this exa- 



42 THE HISTORY OF 

miner, chirurgeon, or searcher, to be sick of the 
plague, he shall the same night be sequestered in 
the same house, and in case he be so sequestered, 
then, though he die not, the house wherein he 
sickened, shall be shut up for a month after the 
use of the due preservatives taken by the rest. 

Airing the Stuff. 

For sequestration of the goods and stuff of the in- 
fection, their bedding, and apparel, and hangings 
of chambers, must be well aired with fire, and such 
perfumes as are requisite, within the infected house, 
before they be taken again to use. This to be done 
by the appointment of the examiner. 

Shutting up of the House. 

If any person shall visit any man known to be in- 
fected of the plague, or entereth willingly into any 
known infected house, being not allowed, the house 
wherein he inhabiteth shall be shut up for certain 
days by the examiner's direction. 

None to be removed out of Infected Houses hut, ^c. 

Item, That none be removed out of the house 
where he falleth sick of the infection, into any other 
house in the city, (except it be to the pesthouse or 
a tent, or unto some such house, which the owner of 
the said house holdeth in his own hands, and occu- 
pieth by his own servants,) and so as security be 
given to the said parish whither such remove is made, 
that the attendance and charge about the said vi- 
sited persons shall be observed and charged in all the 
particularities before expressed, without any cost of 
that parish to which any such remove shall happen 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 43 

to be made, and this remove to be done by nigbt ; 
and it shall be lawful to any person that hath two 
houses, to remove either his sound or his infected 
people to his spare house at his choice, so as if he 
send away first his sound, he do not after send 
thither the sick ; nor again unto the sick, the sound : 
and that the same which he sendeth be for one 
week, at the least, shut up, and secluded from com- 
pany, for the fear of some infection at first not ap- 
pearing. 

Burial of the Dead. 

That the burial of the dead by this visitation be 
at most convenient hours, always before sun- rising, 
or after sun-setting, with the privity of the church- 
w^ardens, or constable, and not otherwise ; and that 
no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany 
the corpse to church, or to enter the house visited, 
upon pain of having his house shut up, or be impri- 
soned. 

And, that no corpse dying of the infection shall 
be buried, or remain in any church in time of com- 
mon-prayer, sermon, or lecture. And, that no chil- 
dren be suffered at time of burial of any corpse, in 
any church, churchyard, or burying-place, to come 
near the corpse, coffin, or grave ; and, that all 
graves shall be at least six feet deep. 

And further, all public assemblies at other burials 
are to be forborne during the continuance of this vi- 
sitation. 



No Infected Stuff to be uttered. 

That no clothes, stuff, bedding, or garments, be 
suffered to be carried or conveyed out of any in- 
fected houses, and that the criers and carriers 



44 THE HISTORY OF 

abroad of bedding or old apparel to be sold or 
pawned, be utterly prohibited and restrained, and 
no brokers of bedding or old apparel be permitted 
to make any public show, or hang forth on their 
stalls, shop-boards, or windows towards any street, 
lane, common way, or passage, any old bedding or 
apparel to be sold, upon pain of imprisonment. 
And if any broker or other person shall buy any 
bedding, apparel, or other stuff out of any infected 
house, within two months after the infection hath 
been there, his house shall be shut up as infected, 
and so shall continue shut up twenty days at the 
least. 

JVo Person to be conveyed out of any Infected 
House, 

If any person visited do fortune by negligent 
looking unto, or by any other means, to come or be 
conveyed from a place infected to any other place, 
the parish from whence such party hath come, or 
been conveyed, upon notice thereof given, shall, at 
their charge, cause the said party so visited and es- 
caped, to be carried and brought back again by night, 
and the parties in this case offending, to be punished 
at the direction of the alderman of the ward, and 
the house of the receiver of such visited person, to 
be shut up for twenty days. 

Every Visited House to he marked. 

That every house visited be marked with a red 
cross of a foot long, in the middle of the door, evi- 
dent to be seen, and with these usual printed words, 
that is to say, " Lord have mercy upon us," to be 
set close over the same cross, there to continue until 
lawful opening of the same house. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 45 



Every Visited House to be watched. 

That the constables see every house shut up, and 
to be attended with watchmen, which may keep in, 
and minister necessaries to them at their own charges, 
if they be able, or at the common charge if they be 
unable. The shutting up to be for the space of 
four weeks after all be whole. 

That precise order be taken that the searchers, 
chirurgeons, keepers, and buriers, are not to pass 
the streets without holding a red rod or wand of 
three foot in length in their hands, open and evi- 
dent to be seen, and are not to go into any other 
house than into their own, or into that whereunto 
they are directed or sent for, but to forbear and 
abstain from company, especially when they have 
been lately used in any such business or attend- 



Inmates. 

That where several inmates are in one and the 
same house, and any person in that house happens 
to be infected, no other person or family of such 
house shall be suffered to remove him or themselves 
without a certificate from the examiners of the 
health of that parish, or in default thereof, the house 
whither she or they remove, shall be shut up as is 
in case of visitation. 



Hackney- Coaches. 

That care be taken of hackney-coachmen, that 
they may not, as some of them have been observed 
to do after carrying of infected persons to the pest- 
house, and other places, be admitted to common use 



46 THE HISTORY OF 

till their coaches be well aired, and have stood un- 
employed by the space of five or six days after such 



Orders for cleansing and keeping of the 
Streets swept. 

The Streets to he kept clean. 

First, it is thought necessary and so ordered, that 
every householder do cause the street to be daily 
prepared before his door, and so to keep it clean 
swept all the week long. 

That Rakers take it from out the Houses. 

That the sweeping and filth of houses be daily 
carried away by the rakers, and that the raker 
shall give notice of his coming by the blowing of a 
horn, as hitherto hath been done. 

Lay -stalls to be made far off from the City. 

That the lay-stalls be removed as far as may be 
out of the city and common passages, and that no 
nightman or other be suffered to empty a vault into 
any vault or garden near about the city. 

Care to be had of unwholesome Fish or Flesh, and 
of musty Corn. 

That special care be taken that no stinking fish, 
or unwholesome flesh, or musty corn, or other cor- 
rupt fruits, of what sort soever, be suffered to be 
sold about the city, or any part of the same. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 47 

That the brewers and tippling-houses be looked 
unto for musty and unwholesome casks. 

That no hogs, dogs, or cats, or tame pigeons, or 
{ conies, be suffered to be kept within any part of the 
I city, or any swine to be or stray in the streets or 
' lanes, but that such swine be impounded by the bea- 
dle or any other oiBcer, and the owner punished ac- 
cording to the act of common-council, and that the 
dogs be killed by the dog-killers appointed for that 
purpose. 



Orders concerning Loose Persons and Idle as 
semblies. 

Beggars. 

Forasmuch as nothing is more complained of 
than the multitude of rogues and wandering beg- 
gars that swarm about in every place about the 
city, being a great cause of the spreading of the in- 
fection, and will not be avoided notwithstanding 
any orders that have been given to the contrary : 
it is therefore now ordered that such constables 
and others, whom this matter may any way con- 
cern, take special care that no wandering beggars 
be suffered in the streets of this city, in any fashion 
or manner whatsoever, upon the penalty provided 
by law to be duly and severely executed upon 
them. 

Plays. 

That all plays, bear-baitings, games, singing of 
ballads, buckler-play, or such like causes of assem- 
blies of people be utterly prohibited, and the parties 
offending severely punished by every alderman in 
his ward. 



48 THE HISTORY OP 



Feasting prohibited. 

That all public feasting, and particularly by the 
companies of this city, and dinners in taverns, ale- 
houses, and other places of public entertainment, 
be forborne till further order and allowance, and 
that the money thereby spared be preserved, and 
employed for the benefit and relief of the poor 
visited with the infection. 

Tippling -Houses. 

That disorderly tippling in taverns, ale-houses, 
coffee-houses, and cellars, be severely looked unto 
as the common sin of the time, and greatest occasion 
of dispersing the plague. And that no company or 
person be suffered to remain or come into any 
tavern, ale-house, or coffee-house, to drink, after 
nine of the clock in the evening, according to the 
ancient law and custom of this city, upon the penal- 
ties ordained by law. 

And for the better execution of these orders, 
and such other rules and directions as upon further 
consideration shall be found needful, it is ordered 
and enjoined that the aldermen, deputies, and com- 
mon-council-men shall meet together weekly, once, 
twice, thrice, or oftener, as cause shall require, at 
some one general place accustomed in their re- 
spective wards, being clear from infection of the 
plague, to consult how the said orders may be put 
in execution, not intending that any, dwelling in 
or near places infected, shall come to the said 
meeting while their coming may be doubtful. And 
the said aldermen deputies, and common-council- 
men, in their several wards, may put in execution 
any other orders, that by them, at their said meet- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 49 

ings, shall be conceived and devised for the 
preservation of his majesty's subjects from the infec- 
tion. 

Sir John Lawrence, Lord Mayor. 

Sir George Waterman, ) . 

Sir Charles Doe, / Sheriffs. 

I need not say, that these orders extended only 
to such places as were within the Lord Mayor's 
jurisdiction ; so it is requisite to observe, that the 
justices of peace, within those parishes and places 
as were called the hamlets and out-parts, took the 
same method : as I remember, the orders for shut- 
ting up of houses did not take place so soon on our 
side, because, as I said before, the plague did not 
reach to this eastern part of the town at least, nor 
begin to be violent till the beginning of August. — 
For example, the whole bill from the 11th to the 
18th of July, was 1761, yet there died but seventy- 
one of the plague in all those parishes we call the 
Tower-hamlets ; and they were as follows : 

Aldgate, 14 34 65 

Stepney, 33 the next 58 and to the 76 

Whitechapel, 21 week was 48 Istof Aug. 79 

St Kath. Tower, 2 thus : 4 thus : 4 

Trin. Minories, 114 



71 145 228 

It was indeed coming on amain, for the burials 
that same week were, in the next adjoining parishes, 
thus : 

St. L. Shoreditch 64 the next week 84 to the 1st 1 10 
St. Bot. Bishopsg. 65 prodigiously 105 of Aug. 116 
St. Giles's Crippl. 2 1 3 increased, as 43 1 thus : 554 



342 610 780 

PLAGUE. E 



50 THE HISTORY OF 

This shutting up of houses was at first counted a 
very cruel and unchristian method, and the poor 
people so confined made bitter lamentations ; com- 
plaints of the severity of it were also daily brought 
to my lord mayor, of houses causelessly, and some 
maliciously, shut up ; I cannot say, but upon in- 
quiry, many that complained so loudly were found 
in a condition to be continued ; and others again, 
inspection being made upon the sick person, and 
the sickness not appearing infectious ; or, if uncer- 
tain, yet, on his being content to be carried to the 
pesthouse, was released. 

As I went along Houndsditch one morning about 
eight o'clock, there was a great noise ; it is true, in- 
deed, there was not much crowd, because the 
people were not very free to gather together, or to 
stay long together when they were there, nor did I 
stay long there ; but the outcry was loud enough 
to prompt my curiosity, and I called to one, who 
looked out of a window, and asked what was the 
matter ? 

A watchman, it seems, had been employed to 
keep his post at the door of a house which was in- 
fected, or said to be infected, and was shut up ; he 
had been there all night, for two nights together, 
as he told his story, and the day-watchman had 
been there one day, and was now come to relieve 
him ; all this while no noise had been heard in the 
house, no light had been seen, they called for 
nothing, sent him of no errands, which used to be 
the chief business of the watchmen, neither had 
they given him any disturbance, as he said, from 
Monday afternoon, when he heard a great crying 
and screaming in the house, which, as he supposed, 
was occasioned by some of the family dying just at 
that time. It seems the night before, the dead-cart, 
as it was called, had been stopt there, and a servant- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 51 

maid had been brought down to the door dead, and 
the buriers or bearers, as they were called, put her 
into the cart, wrapped only in a green rug, and 
carried her away. 

The watchman had knocked at the door, it seems, 
when he heard that noise and crying, as above, and 
nobody answered a great while, but at last one 
looked out, and said, with an angry quick tone, and 
yet a kind of crying voice, or a voice of one that 
was crying. What d'ye want, that you make such a 
knocking ? He answered, I am the watchman, how 
do you do ? What is the matter ? The person 
answered. What is that to you? Stop the dead- 
cart. This, it seems, was about one o'clock ; soon 
after, as the fellow said, he stopped the dead-cart, 
and then knocked again, but nobody answered ; he 
continued knocking, and the bellman called out 
several times. Bring out your dead ; but nobody 
answered, till the man that drove the cart being 
called to other houses, would stay no longer, and 
drove away. 

The watchman knew not what to make of all 
this, so he let them alone till the morning-man, or 
day-watchman, as they called him, came to relieve 
him. Giving him an account of the particulars, 
they knocked at the door a great while, but nobody 
answered, and they observed that the window or 
casement, at which the person looked out who 
had answered before, continued open, being up two 
pair of stairs. 

Upon this, the two men, to satisfy their curiosity, 
got a long ladder, and one of them went up to the 
window, and looked into the room, where he saw a 
woman lying dead upon the floor, in a dismal man- 
ner, having no clothes, on her but her shift ; but 
though he called aloud, and putting in his long 
staff, knocked hard on the floor, yet nobody stirred 

e2 



52 THE HISTORY OF 

or answered, neither could he hear any noise in the 
house. 

He came down again upon this, and acquainted 
his fellow, who went up also, and finding it just so, 
they resolved to acquaint either the lord mayor, or 
some other magistrate of it, but did not offer to go 
in at the window. The magistrate, it seems, upon 
the information of the two men, ordered the house 
to be broke open, a constable and other persons 
being appointed to be present, that nothing might 
be plundered, and accordingly it was so done, when 
nobody was found in the house but that young 
woman, who, having been infected, and past re- 
covery, the rest had left her to die by herself, and 
every one gone, having found some way to delude 
the watchman, and to get open the door, or get out 
at some back-door, or over the tops of the houses, 
so that he knew nothing of it ; and, as to those 
cries and shrieks which he heard, it was supposed 
they were the passionate cries of the family at this 
bitter parting, which, to be sure, it was to them all, 
this being the sister to the mistress of the family. 
The man of the house, his wife, several children and 
servants, being all gone and fled, whether sick or 
sound, that I could never learn, nor, indeed, did I 
make much inquiry after it. 

At another house, as I was informed, in the street 
next within Aldgate, a whole family was shut up 
and locked in, because the maid-servant was taken 
sick ; the master of the house had complained by his 
friends to the next alderman, and to the lord mayor, 
and had consented to have the maid carried to the 
pesthouse, but was refused ; so the door was marked 
with a red cross, a padlock on the outside, as above, 
and a watchman set to keep the door, according to 
public order. 

After the master of the house found there was 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 53 

no remedy, but that he, his wife and his children 
were locked up with this poor distempered servant, 
he called to the watchman, and told him he must 
go then and fetch a nurse for them to attend this 
poor girl, for that it would be certain death to them 
all to oblige them to nurse her, and told him plain- 
ly that, if he would not do this, the maid would 
perish either of the distemper, or be starved for 
want of food, for he was resolved none of his family 
should go near her, and she lay in the garret, four 
story high, where she could not cry out, or call to 
anybody for help. 

The watchman consented to that, and went and 
fetched a nurse, as he was appointed, and brought 
her to them the same evening ; during this inter- 
val, the master of the house took his opportunity 
to break a large hole through his shop into a bulk 
or stall, where formerly a cobbler had sat before or 
under his shop window ; but the tenant, as may 
be supposed, at such a dismal time as that, was 
dead or removed, and so he had the key in his own 
keeping; having made his way into this stall, 
which he could not have done if the roan had been 
at the door, the noise he was obliged to make being 
such as would have alarmed the watchman ; I say, 
having made his way into this stall, he sat still till 
the watchman returned with the nurse, and all the 
next day also ; but the night following, having con- 
trived to send the watchman of another trifling 
errand, which, as I take it, was to an apothecary's 
for a plaster for the maid, which he was to stay for 
the making up, or some other such errand, that 
might secure his staying some time ; in that time 
he conveyed himself and all his family out of the 
house, and left the nurse and the watchman to bury 
the poor wench, that is, throw her into the cart, 
and take care of the house. 



A 



54 THE HISTORY OP 

Not far from the same place they blowed up a 
watchman with gunpowder, and burnt the poor 
fellow dreadfully; and, while he made hideous cries, 
and nobody would venture to come near to help 
him, the whole family that were able to stir got 
out at the windows, one story high, two that were 
1^-^slck, calling out for help. Care was taken to 
■^ive them nurses to look after them, but the per- 
sons fled were never found, till after the plague was 
abated they returned ; but, as nothing could be 
proved, so nothing could be done to them. 

In other cases, some had gardens and walls, or 
pales between them and their neighbours ; or yards 
and back-houses ; and these, by friendship and en- 
treaties, would get leave to get over those walls or 
pales, and so go out at their neighbours' doors ; or, 
by giving money to their servants, get them to let 
them through in the night ; so that, in short, the 
shutting up of houses was in nowise to be depended 
upon ; neither did it answer the end at all ; serving 
more to make the people desperate, and drive them 
to such extremities, as that they would break out 
at all adventures. 

And that which was still worse, those that did 
thus break out, spread the infection further by their 
wandering about with the distemper upon them, in 
their desperate circumstances, than they would 
otherwise have done : for, whoever considers all 
the particulars in such cases, must acknowledge, and 
cannot doubt but the severity of those confinements 
made many people desperate, and made them run 
out of their houses at all hazards, and with the 
plague visibly upon them, not knowing either 
whither to go, or what to do, or, indeed, what they 
did ; and many that did so were driven to dreadful 
exigencies and extremities, and perished in the 
streets or fields for mere want, or dropped down, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 55 

by the raging violence of the fever upon them. 
Others wandered into the country, and went for- 
ward any way, as their desperation guided them, 
not knowing whither they went or would go, till, 
faint and tired, and not getting any relief, the houses 
and villages on the road refusing to admit them to 
lodge, whether infected or no, they have perished 
by the road side, or gotten into barns, and died 
there, none daring to come to them, or relieve 
"them, though perhaps not infected, for nobody 
would believe them. 

On the other hand, when the plague at first 
seized a family, that is to say, when any one body 
of the family had gone out, and unwarily or other- 
wise catched the distemper and brought it home, it 
was certainly known by the family before it was 
known to the officers, who, as you will see by the 
order, were appointed to examine into the circum- 
stances of all sick persons, when they heard of their 
being sick. 

In this interval, between their being taken sick, 
and the examiners coming, the master of the house 
had leisure and liberty to remove himself, or all his 
family, if he knew whither to go, and many did so. 
But the great disaster was, that many did thus after 
they were really infected themselves, and so carried 
the disease into the houses of those who were so 
hospitable as to receive them, which, it must be 
confessed, was very cruel and ungrateful. 

I am speaking now of people made desperate by 
the apprehensions of their being shut up, and their 
breaking out by stratagem or force, either before 
or after they were shut up, whose misery was not 
lessened when they were out, but sadly increased. 
On the other hand, many who thus got away had 
retreats to go to, and other houses, where they 
locked themselves up, and kept hid till the plague 



56 THE HISTORY OF 

was over ; and many families, foreseeing the ap- 
proach of the distemper, laid up stores of provi- 
sions, sufficient for their whole families, and shut 
themselves up, and that so entirely, that they were 
neither seen or heard of, till the infection was quite 
ceased, and then came abroad sound and well. I 
might recollect several such as these, and give you 
the particulars of their management; for, doubtless, 
it was the most effectual secure step that could be 
taken for such, whose circumstances would not ad- 
mit them to remove, or who had not retreats abroad 
proper for the case ; for, in being thus shut up, they 
were as if they had been a hundred miles off. Nor 
do I remember, that any one of those families mis- 
carried. Among these, several Dutch merchants 
were particularly remarkable, who kept their houses 
like little garrisons besieged, suffering none to go in 
or out, or come near them ; particularly one in a 
court in Throckmorton-street, whose house looked 
into Drapers' garden. 

But I come back to the case of families infected, 
and shut up by the magistrates. The misery of 
those families is not to be expressed ; and it was 
generally in such houses that we heard the most 
dismal shrieks and outcries of the poor people, ter- 
rified, and even frightened to death, by the sight of 
the condition of their dearest relations, and by the 
terror of being imprisoned as they were. 

I remember, and, while I am writing this story, 
I think I hear the very sound of it : a certain lady 
had an only daughter, a young maiden about 
nineteen years old, and who was possessed of a very 
considerable fortune ; they were only lodgers in the 
house where they were. The young woman, her 
mother, and the maid, had been abroad on some 
occasion, I do not remember what, for the house 
was not shut up ; but, about two hours after they 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. o7 

came home, the young lady complained she was 
not well, in a quarter of an hour more she vomited, 
and had a violent pain in her head. Pray God, 
says her mother, in a terrible fright, my child has 
not the distemper ! The pain in her head increas- 
ing, her mother ordered the bed to be warmed, and 
resolved to put her to bed ; and prepared to give 
her things to sweat, which was the ordinary remedy 
to be taken, when the first apprehensions of the 
distemper began. 

While the bed was airing, the mother undressed 
the young woman, and just as she was laid down in 
the bed, she, looking upon her body with a candle, 
immediately discovered the fatal tokens on the in- 
side of her thighs. Her mother, not being able to j 
contain herself, threw down her candle, and screeched ,.; 
out in such a frightful manner, that it was enough \ 
to place horror upon the stoutest heart in the 
world ; nor was it one scream, or one cry, but the 
fright having seized her spirits, she fainted first, 
then recovered, then ran all over the house, up the 
stairs and down the stairs, like one distracted, and 
indeed really was distracted, and continued screech- 
ing and crying out for several hours, void of all 
sense, or, at least, government of her sehsesT^and, 
as^'was told, never came thoroughly to herself 
again. As to the young maiden, she was a dead 
corpse from that moment ; for the gangrene, which 
occasions the spots, had spread over her whole body, 
and she died in less than two hours. But still the 
mother continued crying out, not knowing any 
thing more of her child, several hours after she was 
dead. It J^so long..ag(vJ-biLJL^Am not. ^.certain, 
but I think the mother never recovered, but died 
in two or three weeks after. , 

\ have by me a story of two brothers and their 



t 



58 THE HISTORY OP 

kinsman, who, being single men, but that had stayed 
in the city too long to get away, and, indeed, not 
knowing where to go to have any retreat, nor 
having wherewith to travel far, took a course for 
their own preservation, which, though in itself at 
first desperate, yet was so natural, that it may be 
wondered that no more did so at that time. They 
were but of mean condition, and yet not so very 
poor, as that they could not furnish themselves 
with some little conveniences, such as might serve 
to keep life and soul together ; and, finding the 
distemper increasing in a terrible manner, they re- 
solved to shift as well as they could, and to be 
gone. 

One of them had been a soldier in the late wars, 
and before that in the Low Countries ; and, having 
been bred to no particular employment but his 
arms, and, besides, being wounded, and not able to 
work very hard, had for some time been employed 
at a baker's of sea-biscuit in Wapping. 

The brother of this man was a seaman too, but, 
somehow or other, had been hurt of one leg, that 
he could not go to sea, but had worked for his 
living at a sailmaker's in Wapping, or thereabouts; 
and being a good husband, had laid up some money, 
and was the richest of the three. 

The third man was a joiner or carpenter by 
trade, a handy fellow ; and he had no wealth, but 
his box, or basket of tools, with the help of which 
he could at any time get his living, such a time as 
this excepted, wherever he went, and he lived near 
Shadwell. 

They all lived in Stepney parish, which, jas. I 
have said, being the last that was infected, or at 
least violently, they stayed there till they evidently 
saw the plague was abating at the west part of the 



(=>i- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 59 

town, and coming towards the east, where they 
lived. 

The stotyjif those .three men, if the .reader will 
be content to have me give it in their own persons, 
without taking upon me to either vouch the parti- 
culars, or answer for any mistakes, I shaU give as 
distinctly as T can ; believing the history will be a 
very good pattern for any poor man to follow, in 
case the like public desolation should happen here ; 
and if there may be no such occasion, which God of 
his infinite mercy grant us, still the story may have 
its uses so many ways, as that it will, I hope, never 
be said that the relating has been unprofitable. 

I say all this previous to the history, having yet, 
for the present, much more to say before I quit my 
own part. 

I went all the first part of the time freely about 
the streets, though not so freely as to run myself 
into apparent danger, except when they dug the 
great pit in the churchyard of our parish of Aid- 
gate. A terrible pit it was, and I could not resist 
my curiosity to go and see it ; as near as I may 
judge, it was about forty feet in length, and about 
fifteen or sixteen feet broad ; and, at the time I first 
looked at it, about nine feet deep ; but it was said, 
they dug it near twenty feet deep afterwards, in 
one part of it, till they could go no deeper for the 
water ; for they had, it seems, dug several large 
pits before this ; for, though the plague was long 
a coming to our parish, yet, when it did come, 
there was no parish in or about London where it 
raged with such violence as in the two parishes of 
Aldgate and Whitechapel. 

I say they had dug several pits in another ground, 
when the distemper began to spread in our parish, 
and especially when the dead-carts began to go 
about, which was not in our parish, till the begin- 



60 THE HISTORY OP 

ning of August. I nto these pits th.ey..Jbad put per- 
ha^jft-lifty or sixty bodies-^aeh, tlien they made larger 
holes, wherein they buried all that the cart brought 
in a week, which, by the middle to the end of Au- 
gust, came to from two hundred to four hundred 
a week ; and they could not well dig them larger, 
because of the order of the magistrates, confining 
them to leave no bodies within six feet of the sur- 
face ; and the water coming on at about seventeen 
or eighteen feet, they could not well, I say, put 
more in one pit ; but now, at the beginning of 
September, the plague raging in a dreadful manner, 
and the number of burials in our parish increasing 
to more than was ever buried in any parish about 
London, of no larger extent, they ordered this 
dreadful gulf to be dug, for such it was rather 
than a pit. 

They had supposed this pit would have supplied 
them for a month or more, when they dug it, and 
some blamed the churchwardens for suffering such 
a frightful thing, telling them they were making 
preparations to bury the whole parish, and the like ; 
but time made it appear the churchwardens knew the 
condition of the parish better than they did ; .fpr_the 
pit being finished the 4th of September, I^.thmk_ 
^'they began to bury in it the 6th, and, by the 20thj, 
which was just two. weeks,,, they had thrown into it 

IIJLJ: bodies, when they were obliged to fill it_upi"' 

the bodies being then come to lie within .six feet of 
the surface. I doubt no^ but there may be sonie 
"aficient persons alive inythe**parish, who can justify 
the fact of this, and are able to show even in what 
place of the churchyard the pit lay better than 1 
can ; the mark of it also was many years to be seen 
in the churchyard on the surface, lying in length, 
parallel with the passage which goes by the west 
wall of the churchyard, out of Houndsditch, and 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 61 

turns east again into Whitechapel, coming out near 
the Three-Nuns inn. 

It was about the 10th of September, that my 
curiosity led, or rather drove me to go and see this 
pit again, when there had been near four hundred 
people buried in it ; and 1 was not content to see it 
in the day-time, as I had done before, for then there 
would have been nothing to have been seen but the 
loose earth ; for all the bodies that were thrown in 
were immediately covered with earth, by those they 
called the buriers, which at other times were called 
bearers ; but I resolved to go in the night, and see 
some of them thrown in. 

There was a strict order to prevent people coming 
to those pits, and that was only to prevent infection ; 
but, after some time, that order was more necessary, 
for people that were infected, and near their end, 
and delirious also^ would run to those pits wrapt in 
blankets, or rugs*, and throw themselves in, and, as 
H^ey said, bury themselves. I cannot say that the 
offi^&jsulfered- any willingly to lie there ; but I 
have healxl7"'thtatiiij@|,^eat pit in Finsbury, in the 
parish of Cripplegate, it lying open then to the fields, 
for it was not then walled about, many came and threw 
themselves in, and expired there, before they threw 
any earth upon them ; and that when they came to 
bury others, and found them there, they were quite 
dead, though not cold. 

/ This may serve a little to describe the dreadful 

/condition of that day, though it is impossible to say 

f anything that is able to give a true idea of it to those 

who did not see it, other than this ; that it was 

indeed, very, very, very dreadful, and such as no 

tongue can express. ^^^z" ^ 

I I got adrmttarrce" into the chtrrchyard by being 
Acquainted with the sexton who attended, who, 



62 THE HISTORY OF 

though he did not refuse me at all, yet earnestly 
persuaded me not to go ; telling me very seriously, 
for he was a good religious and sensible man, that 
it was, indeed, their business and duty to venture, 
and to run all hazards, and that in it they might 
hope to be preserved ; but that I had no apparent 
call to it but my own curiosity, which, he said, he 
believed I would not pretend, was sufficient to 
justify my running that hazard. I told him I had 
been pressed in my mind to go, and that, perhaps, 
it might be an instructing sight, that might not be 
without its uses. Nay, says the good man, if you 
will venture upon that score, 'Name of God, go in ; 
for, depend upon it, it will be a sermon to you, it 
may be, the best that ever you heard in your life. 
It is a speaking sight, says he, and has a voice with 
it, and a loud one, to call us all to repentance ; and 
with that he opened the door, and said, Go, if you 
will. 

His discourse had shocked my resolution a little, 
and I stood wavering for a good while, but, just at 
that interval, I saw two links come over li-om the 
end of the Minories, and heard the bellman, and 
then appeared a dead cart, as they called it, coming 
over the streets ; so I could no longer resist my 
desire of seeing it, and went in. There was nobody 
as I could perceive at first, in the churchyard, or 
going into it, but the buriers, and the fellow that 
drove the cart, or rather led the horse and cart, but 
when they came up to the pit, they saw a man go to 
and again, muffled up in a brown cloak, and making 
motions with his hands, under his cloak, as if he 
was in great agony ; and the buriers immediately 
gathered about him, supposing he was one of those 
poor delirious, or desperate creatures, that used to 
pretend, as I have said, to bury themselves ; he said 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 63 

nothing as he walked about, but two or three times 
groaned very deeply, and loud, and sighed as he 
would break his heart. 

When the buriers came up to him, they soon 
found he was neither a person infected and desperate, 
as I have observed above, or a person distempered 
in mind, but one oppressed with a dreadful weight 
of grief indeed, having his wife and several of his 
children, all in the cart, that was just come in with 
him, and he followed in an agony and excess of 
sorrow. He mourned heartily, as it was easy to see, 
but with a kind of masculine grief, that could not 
give itself vent by tears ; and, calmly desiring the 
buriers to let him alone, said he would only see the 
bodies thrown in, and go away, so they left impor- 
tuning him ; but no sooner was the cart turned 
round, and the bodies shot into the pit promis- 
cuously, which was a surprise to him, for he at least 
expected they would have been decently laid in, 
though, indeed, he was afterwards convinced that 
was impracticable ; I say, no sooner did he see the 
sight, but he cried out aloud, unable to contain him- 
self. I could not hear what he said, but he went 
.backward two or three steps, and fell down in a 
swoon ; the buriers ran to him and took him up, 
and in a little while he came to himself, and they 
led him away to the Pye-tavern, over-against the 
end of Houndsditch, where, it seems, the man was 
known, and where they took care of him. He looked 
into the pit again, as he went away, but the buriers 
had covered the bodies so immediately with throwing 
in earth, that, though there was light enough, for 
there were lantherns and candles in them, placed 
all night round the sides of the pit, upon the heaps 
of earth, seven or eight, or perhaps more, yet nothing 
could be seen. 

This was a mournful scene indeed, and affected 



64 THE HISTORY OP 

me almost as much as the rest ; but the other was 
awful, and full of terror ; the cart had in it sixteen 
or seventeen bodies, some were wrapt up in linen 
sheets, some in rugs, some little other than naked, 
or so loose, that what covering they had fell from 
them, in the shooting out of the cart, and they fell 
X quite naked among the rest ; but the matter was 
I not much to them, or the indecency much to any 
one else, seeing they were all dead, and were to be 
hu^l^Led-logether into the common grave of mankind, 
J^^'as we may caiTltTTor here was no difference made, 
'^ .' but poor and rich went together ; there was no 
other way of burials, neither was it possible there 
should, for coffins were not to be had for the pro- 
digious numbers that fell in such a calamity as 
this. 

It^."\5^as«jjep>ftriedj by way of scandal upon the 
buriers, that if any corpse was delivered to them, 
decently wound up, as we called it then, in a wind- 
ing sheet tied over the head and feet, which some 
did, and which was generally of good linen ; Ziy, 
it^^asj^jftCted^ that the buriers were so wicked as 
to strip them in the cart, and carry them quite 

f naked to the ground ; but, as I cannot credit any- 
thing so vile among Christians, and at a time so 
filled with terrors as that was, I can only relate it, 
and leave it undetermined. 

Innumerable stories also went about of the cruel 
behaviour and pfacttces of iiTffse^sTwIio attended the 
sick, and of their hastening on the fate of those they 
attended in their sickness. But I shall say more 
of this in its place. 

I was indeed shocked with this sight, it almost 
overwhelmed me ; and I went away with my heart 
most afflicted, and full of afflicting thoughts, such as 
I cannot describe ; just at my going out of the 
church, and turning up the street towards my own 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 65 

house, I saw another cart with links, and a bellman 
going before, coming out of Harrow-alley, in the 
Butcher-row, on the other side of the way, and 
being, as I perceived, very full of dead bodies, it 
went directly over the street also toward the church. 
I stood awhile, but I had no stomach to go back 
again to see the same dismal scene over again ; so 
I went directly home, where I could not but consider 
with thankfulness, the risk I had run, believing I 
had gotten no injury ; as indeed 1 had not. 

Here the poor unhappy gentleman's grief came 
into my head again, and, indeed, I could not but 
shed tears in the reflection upon it, perhaps more 
than he did himself; but his case lay so heavy upon 
my mind, that I could not prevail with myself but 
that I must go out again into the street^ and go to 
the Pye-tavern, resolving to inquire what became 
of him. 

It was by this time one o'clock in the morning, 
and yet the poor gentleman was there ; the truth 
was, the people of the house knowing him, had en- 
tertained him, and kept him there all the night, not- 
withstanding the danger of being infected by him, 
though it appeared the man was perfectly sound 
himself. 

It is with regret that I take notice of this tavern. 
The people were civil, mannerly, and an obliging 
sort of folks enough, and had till this time kept their 
house open, and their trade going on, though not so 
very publicly as formerly ; but there was a dreadful 
set of fellows that used their house, and who, in the 
middle of all this horror, met there every night, be- 
having with all the revelling and roaring extrava- 
gances as is usual for such people to do at other 
times, and indeed to such an offensive degree, that 
the very master and mistress of the house grew first 
ashamed, and then terrified, at them. 

PLAGUE. F 



66 THE HISTORY OF 

They sat generally in a room next the street ; and, 
as they always kept late hours, so when the dead- 
cart came across the street end to go into Hounds- 
ditch, which was in view of the tavern windows, they 
would frequently open the windows, as soon as they 
heard the bell, and look out at them ; and, as they 
might often hear sad lamentations of people in the 
streets, or at their windows, as the carts went along, 
they would make their impudent mocks and jeers at 
them, especially if they heard the poor people call 
upon God to have mercy upon them, as many would 
do at those times, in their ordinary passing along 
the streets. 

These gentlemen being something disturbed with 
the clutter of bringing the poor gentleman into the 
house, as above, were fir^t angry and very high with 
the master of the house, for suffering such a fellow, 
as they called him, to be brought out of the grave 
into their house ; but, being answered, that the 
man was a neighbour, and that he was sound, but 
overwhelmed with the calamity of his family, and 
the like, they turned their anger into ridiculing the 
man, and his sorrow for his wife and children ; 
taunting him with want of courage to leap into the 
great pit, and go to heaven, as they jeeringly ex- 
pressed it, along with them ; adding some very 
profane, and even blasphemous expressions. 

They were at this vile work when I came back to 
the house, and, as far as 1 could see, though the 
man sat still, mute, and disconsolate, and their 
affronts could not divert his sorrow, yet he was 
both grieved and offended at their discourse. Upon 
this, I gently reproved them, being well enough ac- 
quainted with their characters, and not unknown in 
person to two of them. 

They immediately fell upon me with ill language 
and oaths ; asked me what I did out of my grave. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 67 

at such a time, when so many honester men were 
carried into the churchyard ; and why I was not at 
home saying my prayers, against the dead-cart came 
for me ; and the Uke. 

I was indeed astonished at the impudence of the 
men, though not at all discomposed at their treat- 
ment of me ; however, I kept my temper. I told 
them, that though I defied them, or any man in 
the world, to tax me with any dishonesty, yet I 
acknowledged, that, in this terrible judgment of 
God, many better than I were swept away, and 
carried to their grave ; but, to answer their ques- 
tion directly, the case was, that I was mercifully 
preserved by that great God, whose name they had 
blasphemed and taken in vain, by cursing and 
swearing in a dreadful manner; and that I believed 
I was preserved in particular, among other ends of 
his goodness, that I might reprove them for their 
audacious boldness, in behaving in such a manner, 
and in such an awful time as this was, especially 
for their jeering and mocking at an honest gentle- 
man, and a neighbour, for some of them knew him, 
who they saw was overwhelmed with sorrow, for 
the breaches which it had pleased God to make 
upon his family. 

I cannot call exactly to mind the hellish abomi- 
nable raillery, which was the return they made to 
that talk of mine, being provoked, it seems, that I 
was not at all afraid to be free with them ; nor, if I 
could remember, would I fill my account with any 
of the words, the horrid oaths, curses, and vile ex- 
pressions, such as, at that time of the day, even the 
worst and ordinariest people in the street would 
not use ; for, except such hardened creatures as 
these, the most wicked wretches that could be 
found, had at that time some terror upon their 

f2 



68 THE HISTORY OF 

mind, of the hand of that Power which could thus, 
in a moment destroy them. 

But that which was the worst in all their devilish 
language was, that they were not afraid to blas- 
pheme God, and talk atheistically ; making a jest 
at my calling the plague the hand of God, mocking, 
and even laughing at the word judgment, as if the 
providence of God had no concern in the inflicting 
such a desolating stroke ; and that the people call- 
ing upon God, as they saw the carts carrying away 
the dead bodies, was all enthusiastic, absurd, and 
impertinent. 

I made them some reply, such as I thought pro- 
per, but which I found was so far from putting a 
check to their horrid way of speaking, that it made 
them rail the more ; so that 1 confess it filled me 
with horror, and a kind of rage, and I came away, 
as I told them, lest the hand of that judgment 
which had visited the whole city, should glorify his 
vengeance upon them, and all that were near them. 

They received all reproof with the utmost con- 
tempt, and made the greatest mockery that was 
possible for them to do at me, giving me all the op- 
probrious insolent scoffs that they could think of for 
preaching to them, as they called it, which indeed 
grieved me, rather than angered me ; and I went 
away blessing God, however, in my mind, that I 
had not spared them, though they had insulted me 
so much. 

They continued this wretched course three or 
four days after this, continually mocking and jeer- 
ing at all that showed themselves religious, or se- 
rious, or that were any way touched with the sense 
o^the terrible judgment of God upon us, and I was 
informed they flouted in the same manner, at tne 
good people, who, notwithstanding the contagion, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 69 

met at the churcli, fasted and prayed to God to re- 
move his hand from them. 

I say, they continued this dreadful course three 
or four days, I think it was no more, when one of 
them, particularly he who asked the poor gentleman 
what he did out of his grave, was struck from 
heaven with the plague, and died in a most deplor- 
able manner ; and, in a word, they were every one 
of them carried into the great pit, which 1 have 
mentioned above, before it was quite filled up, which 
was not above a fortnight, or thereabout. 

These men were guilty of many extravagances, 
such as one would think human nature should have 
trembled at the thoughts of, at such a time of ge- 
neral terror as was then upon us; and, particularly, 
scoffing and mocking at everything which they 
happened to see that was religious among the peo- 
ple, especially at their thronging zealously to the 
place of public worship, to implore mercy from 
heaven in such a time of distress ; and this tavern, 
where they held their club, being within view of 
the church door, they had the more particular oc- 
casion for their atheistical profane mirth. 

But this began to abate a little with them before 
the accident, which I have related, happened ; for 
the infection increased so violently, at this part of 
the town now, that people began to be afraid to 
come to the church, at least such numbers did not 
resort thither as was usual; many of the clergymen 
likewise were dead, and others gone into the coun- 
try ; for it really required a steady courage, and a 
strong faith, for a man not only to venture being in 
town at such a time as this, but likewise to venture 
to come to church and perform the office of a 
minister to a congregation, of whom he had reason 
to believe many of them were actually infected with 



70 THE HISTORY OF 

the plague, and to do this every day, or twice a day, 
as in some places was done. 

It seems they had been checked for their open 
insulting religion in this manner, by several good 
people of every persuasion, and that and the violent 
raging of the infection, I suppose, was the occasion 
that they had abated much of their rudeness for 
some time before, and were only roused by the 
spirit of ribaldry and atheism at the clamour which 
was made, when the gentleman was first brought in 
there, and, perhaps, were agitated by the same 
devil, when I took upon me to reprove them ; 
though I did it at first with all the calmness, temper, 
and good manners that I could, which, for awhile, 
they insulted me the more for, thinking it had been 
in fear of their resentment, though afterwards they 
found the contrary. 

These things lay upon my mind ; and I went 
home very much grieved and oppressed with the 
horror of these men's wickedness, and to think that 
anything could be so vile, so hardened, and so no- 
toriously wicked, as to insult God and his servants, 
and his worship, in such a manner, and at such a 
time as this was ; when he had, as it were, his 
sword drawn in his hand, on purpose to take ven- 
geance, not on them only, but on the whole nation. 

I had, indeed, been in some passion, at first, with 
them, though it was really raised, not by any affront, 
they had offered me personally, but by the horror, 
their blaspheming tongues filled me with; however, 
I was doubtful in my thoughts, whether the resent- 
ment I retained, was not all upon my own private 
account, for they had given me a great deal of ill 
language too, I mean personally; but after some 
pause, and having a weight of grief upon my mind, 
I retired myself, as soon as I came home, for I 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 7l 

slept not that night, and giving God most humble 
thanks for my preservation in the imminent danger 
I had been in, I set my mind seriously, and with 
the utmost earnestness, to pray for those desperate 
wretches, that God would pardon them, open their 
eyes, and effectually humble them. 

By this I not only did my duty, namely, to pray 
for those who despitefully used me, but I fully tried 
iBy own heart, to my full satisfaction, that it was 
not filled with any spirit of resentment as they had 
offended me in particular ; and I humbly recom- 
mend the method to all those that would know, or 
be certain, how to distinguish between their zeal 
for the honour of God, and the effects of their pri- 
vate passions and resentment. 

1 remember a citizen, w^ho, having broken out of 
his house in Aldersgate-street, or thereabout, went 
along the road to Islington ; he attempted to have 
gone in at the Angel-Inn, and after that at the 
White-Horse, two inns, known still by the same 
signs ; but was refused ; after which he came to 
the Pyed-Bull, an inn also still continuing the same 
sign ; he asked them for lodging for one night only, 
pretending to be going into Lincolnshire, and as- 
suring them of his being very sound, and free from 
the infection, which also, at that time, had not 
reached much that way. 

They told him, they had no lodging that they 
could spare, but one bed up in the garret, and that 
they could spare that bed but for one night, some 
drovers being expected the next day with cattle ; 
so, if he would accept of that lodging, he might 
have it, which he did ; so a servant was sent up 
with a candle with him, to show him the room. He 
was very well dressed, and looked like a person not 
used to lie in a garret, and when he came to the 
room he fetched a deep sigh, and said to the ser- 



72 THE HISTORY OP 

vant, I have seldom lain in such a lodging as this ; 
however the servant assured him again, that they 
had no better: Well, says he, I must make shift, 
this is a dreadful time, but it is but for one night ; 
so he sat down upon the bed-side, and bade the 
maid, I think it was, fetch him a pint of warm ale ; 
accordingly the servant went for the ale, but some 
hurry in the house, which, perhaps, employed her 
otherways, put it out of her head ; and she went 
up no more to him. 

The next morning, seeing no appearance of the 
gentleman, somebody in the house asked the ser- 
vant that had showed him up stairs, what w^s be- 
come of him ? she started ; Alas, says she,, I never 
thought more of him : he bade me carry him some 
warm ale, but I forgot : upon which, not the maid, 
but some other person, was sent up to see after 
him, who coming into the room, found him stark 
dead, and almost cold, stretched out across the bed ; 
his clothes were pulled off, his jaw fallen, his eyes 
open in a most frightful posture, the rug of the bed 
being grasped hard in one of his hands, so that it 
was plain he died soon after the maid left him, and 
it is probable, had she gone up with the ale, she 
had found him dead in a few minutes after he had 
sat down upon the bed. The alarm was great in the 
house, as any one may suppose, they having been 
free from the distemper, till that disaster, which 
bringing the infection to the house, spread it im- 
mediately to other houses round about it. I do 
not remember how many died in the house itself, 
but I think the maid-servant, who went up first 
with him, fell presently ill by the fright, and several 
others ; for, whereas there died but two in Isling- 
ton of the plague, the week before, there died nine- 
teen the week after, whereof fourteen were of the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 73 

plague, this was in the week from the 11th of July 
to the 18th. 

There was one shift, that some families had, and 
that not a few, when their houses happened to be 
infected, and that was this ; the families, who, in 
the first breaking out of the distemper, fled away 
into the country, and had retreats among their 
friends, generally found some or other, of their 
neighbours or relations, to commit the charge of 
those houses to, for the safety of the goods, and the 
like. Some houses were indeed entirely locked up, 
the doors padlocked, the windows and doors having 
deal boards nailed over them, and only the inspec- 
tion of them committed to the ordinary watchmen 
and parish officers, but these were but few. 

It was thought, that there were ^not less than a 
thousand houses forsaken of the inhabitants, in the 
city and suburbs, including what was in the out- 
parishes, and in Surry, or the side of the water 
they called Southwark. This was besides the num- 
bers of lodgers, and of particular persons, who were 
fled out of other families, so that in all it was com- 
puted, that about two hundred thousand people were 
fled and gone in all. But of this I shall speak again : 
but I mention it here on this account, namely, that 
it was a rule with those, who had thus two houses in 
their keeping or care, that if anybody was taken sick 
in a family, before the master of the family let the 
examiners, or any other officer know of it, he imme- 
diately would send all the rest of his family, whether 
children or servants, as it fell out to be, to such 
other house which he had not in charge, and then 
giving notice of the sick person to the examiner, 
have a nurse, or nurses, appointed, and having 
another person to be shut up in the house with 
them, (which many for money would do,) so to 



74 THE HISTORY OF 

take charge of the house, in case the person should 
die. 

This was, in many cases, the saving a whole 
family, who, if they had been shut up with the sick 
person, would inevitably have perished ; but on the 
other hand, this was another of the inconveniences 
of shutting up houses ; for the apprehensions and 
terror of being shut up, made many run away with 
the rest of the family, who, though it was not pub- 
licly known, and they were not quite sick, had yet 
the distemper upon them ; and who, by having an 
uninterrupted liberty to go about, but being obliged 
still to conceal their circumstances, or, perhaps, not 
knowing it themselves, gave the distemper to others, 
and spread the infection in a dreadful manner, as I 
shall explain further hereafter. 

I had in my family, only an ancient woman, that 
managed the house, a maid-servant, two apprentices, 
and myself, and the plague beginning to increase 
about us, I had many sad thoughts about what course 
I should take, and how I should act; the many 
dismal objects, which happened everywhere, as I went 
about the streets, had filled my mind with a great 
deal of horror, for fear of the distemper itself, which 
was indeed very horrible in itself, and in some more 
than others ; the swellings, which were generally in 
the neck or groin, when they grew hard, and would 
not break, grew so painful, that it was equal to the 
most exquisite torture ; and some not able to bear 
the torment, threw themselves out at windows, or 
shot themselves, or otherwise made themselves away, 
and I saw several dismal objects of that kind: others, 
unable to contain themselves, vented their pain by 
incessant roarings, and such loud and lamentable 
cries were to be heard, as we walked along the 
streets, that would pierce the very heart to think of, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 75 

especially when it was to be considered that the 
same dreadful scourge might be expected every 
moment to seize upon ourselves. 

I cannot say, but that now I began to faint in my 
resolutions ; my heart failed me very much, and 
sorely I repented of my rashness, when I had been 
out, and met with such terrible things as these I 
have talked of; I say, I repented my rashness in 
venturing to abide in town, and I wished, often, 
that I had not taken upon me to stay, but had gone 
away with my brother and his family. 

Terrified by those frightful objects, I would retire 
home sometimes, and resolve to go out no more, and 
perhaps I would keep those resolutions for three or 
four days, which time T spent in the most serious 
thankfulness for my preservation, and the preserva- 
tion of my family, and the constant confession of my 
sins, giving myself up to God every day, and apply- 
ing to him with fasting and humiliation, and medita- 
tion. Such intervals as I had, I employed in reading 
books, and in writing down my memorandums of 
what occurred to me every day, and out of which, 
afterwards, I took most of this work, as it relates to 
my observations without doors ; what I wrote of my 
private meditations 1 reserve for private use, and 
desire it may not be made public on any account 
whatever. 

I also wrote other meditations upon divine sub- 
jects, such as occurred to me at that time, and were 
profitable to myself, but not fit for any other view, 
and therefore I say no more of that. 

I had a very good friend a physician, whose name 
was Heath, whom I frequently visited during this 
dismal time, and to whose advice I was very much 
obliged for many things which he directed me to 
take, by way of preventing the infection when I 
went out, as he found I frequently did, and to hold 



76 THE HISTORY OF 

in my mouth, when I was in the streets ; he also 
came very often to see me, and as he was a good 
Christian, as well as a good physician, his agreeable 
conversation was a very great support to me, in the 
worst of this terrible time. 

It was now the beginning of August, and the 
plague grew very violent and terrible in the place 
where I lived, and Dr. Heath coming to visit me, 
and finding that I ventured so often out in the 
streets, earnestly persuaded me to lock myself up, 
and my family, and not to suffer any of us to go out 
of doors ; to keep all our windows fast, shutters and 
curtains close, and never to open them ; but first, 
to make a very strong smoke in the room, where 
the window or door was to be opened, with rosin 
and pitch, brimstone and gunpowder, and the like, 
and we did this for some time, but as I had not laid 
in a store of provision for such a retreat, it was im- 
possible that we could keep within doors entirely ; 
however, I attempted, though it was so very late, 
to do something towards it ; and first, as I had con- 
venience both for brewing and baking, I went and 
bought two sacks of meal, and for several weeks, 
having an oven, we baked all our own bread ; also 
I bought malt, and brewed as much beer, as all the 
casks I had would hold, and which seemed enough 
to serve my house for five or six weeks ; also, I laid 
in a quantity of salt-butter and Cheshire cheese ; 
but I had no flesh meat, and the plague raged so 
violently among the butchers and slaughter-houses, 
on the other side of our street, where they are known 
to dwell in great numbers, that it was not advisable 
so much as to go over the street among them. 

And here I must observe again, that this necessity 
of going out of our houses to buy provisions, was in 
a great measure the ruin of the whole city, for the 
people catched the distemper, on these occasions, 



THE PLAGrE IN LONDON. 77 

one of another, and even the provisions themselves 
were often tainted, at least I have great reason to 
believe so ; and, therefore, I cannot say with satis- 
faction, what I know is repeated with great assu- 
rance, that the market people, and such as brought 
provisions to town, were never infected. I am 
certain, the butchers of Whitechapei, where the 
greatest part of the flesh meat was killed, were 
dreadfully visited, and that at last to such a degree, 
that few of their shops were kept open, and those 
that remained of them killed their meat at Mile-End 
and that way, and brought it to market upon horses. 

However, the poor people could not lay up pro- 
visions, and there was a necessity, that they must 
go to market to buy, and others to send servants, 
or their children ; and, as this was a necessity which 
renewed itself daily, it brought abundance of un- 
sound people to the markets, and a great many that 
went thither sound, brought death home with them. 

It is true, people used all possible precaution ; 
when any one bought a joint of meat in the market, 
they would not take it out of the butcher's hand, 
but took it oflP the hooks themselves. On the other 
hand, the butcher would not touch the money, but 
have it put into a pot full of vinegar, which he kept 
for that purpose. The buyer carried always small 
money to make up any odd sum, that they might 
take no change. They carried bottles for scents 
and perfumes in their hands, and all the means that 
could be used were employed ; but then the poor 
could not do even these things, and they went at 
all hazards. 

Innumerable dismal stories we heard every day 
on this very account. Sometimes a man or woman 
dropt down dead in the very markets ; for many 
people that had the plague upon them knew nothing 
of it till the inward gangrene had affected their 



78 THE HISTORY OP 

vitals, and they died in a few moments ; this caused 
that many died frequently in that manner in the 
street suddenly, without any warning ; others per- 
haps, had time to go to the next bulk or stall, or to 
any door or porch, and just sit down and die, as I 
have said before. 

These objects were so frequent in the streets, 
that, when the plague came to be very raging on 
one side, there was scarce any passing by the streets, 
but that several dead bodies would be lying here 
and there upon the ground ; on the other hand, it 
is observable, that though, at first, the people would 
stop as they went along, and call to the neighbours 
to come out on such an occasion, yet, afterward, no 
notice was taken of them ; but that, if at any time 
we found a corpse lying, go across the way and not 
come near it ; or if in a narrow lane or passage, go 
back again, and seek some other way to go on the 
business we were upon ; and, in those cases, the 
corpse was always left, till the officers had notice to 
come and take them away ; or till night, when the 
bearers attending the dead-cart would take them 
up, and carry them away. Nor did those undaunted 
creatures, who performed these offices, fail to search 
their pockets, and sometimes strip off their clothes 
if they were well dressed, as sometimes they were, 
and carry off what they could get. 

But, to return to the markets ; the butchers took 
that care, that, if any person died in the market, 
they had the officers always at hand, to take them 
up upon hand-barrows, and carry them to the next 
churchyard ; and this was so frequent, that such 
were not entered in the weekly bill, found dead in 
the streets or fields, as is the case now, but they 
went into the general articles of the great dis- 
temper. 

But now the fury of the distemper increased to 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 79 

such a degree, that even the markets were but very 
thinly furnished with provisions, or frequented with 
buyers, compared to what they were before ; and 
the lord mayor caused the country people who 
brought provisions, to be stopped in the streets 
leading into the town, and to sit down there with 
their goods, where they sold what they brought, and 
went immediately away; and this encouraged the 
country people greatly to do so, for they sold their 
provisions at the very entrances into the town, and 
even in the fields ; as, particularly, in the fields 
beyond Whitechapel in 8pittlefields. Note, those 
streets, now called Spittlefields, were then indeed 
open fields ; also, in St. George's-fields, in South- 
wark, in Bunhill-fields, and in a great field, called 
Wood's Close, near Islington ; thither the lord 
mayor, aldermen, and magistrates, sent their of- 
ficers and servants to buy for their families, them- 
selves keeping within doors as much as possible, 
and the like did many other people ; and after this 
method was taken, the country people came with 
great cheerfulness, and brought provisions of all 
sorts, and very seldom got any harm ; which I sup- 
pose added also to that report, of their being mira- 
culously preserved. 

As for my little family, having thus, as I have 
said, laid in a store of bread, butter, cheese, and 
beer, I took my friend and physician's advice, and 
locked myself up, and my family, and resolved to 
suffer the hardship of living a few months without 
flesh meat, rather than to purchase it at the hazard 
of our lives. 

But, though I confined my family, I could not 
prevail upon my unsatisfied curiosity to stay within 
entirely myself; and, though I generally came 
frighted and terrified home, yet I could not restrain ; 



80 THE HISTORY OF 

only that indeed I did not do it so frequently as at 
first. 

I had some little obligations indeed upon me, to 
go to my brother's house, which was in Coleman- 
street parish, and which he had- left to my care ; 
and I went at first every day, but afterwards only 
once or twice a week. 

In these walks I had many dismal scenes before 
ray eyes ; as, particularly, of persons falling dead 
in the streets, terrible shrieks and screechings of 
women, who, in their agonies, would throw open 
their chamber windows, and cry out in a dismal sur- 
prising manner. It is impossible to describe the va- 
riety of postures in which the passions of the poor 
people would express themselves. 

Passing through Token-House-yard in Lothbury, 
of a sudden a casement violently opened just over my 
head, and a woman gave three frightful screeches, 
and then cried, Oh ! death, death, death ! in a most 
inimitable tone, and which struck me with horror, 
and a chilness in my very blood. There was nobody 
to be seen in the whole street, neither did any other 
window open, for people had no curiosit}' now in 
any case, nor could anybody help one another ; so 
I went on to pass into Bell -alley. 

Just in Bell-alley, on the right hand of the pas- 
sage, there was a more terrible cry than that, though 
it was not so directed out at the window, but the 
whole family was in a terrible fright, and I could 
hear women and children run screaming about the 
rooms like distracted, when a garret window opened, 
and somebody from a window on the other side the 
alley called and asked. What is the matter ! Upon 
which, from the first window it was answered, 
O Lord, my old master has hanged himself! The 
other asked again, Is he quite dead ? and the first 
answered, Ay, ay, quite dead : quite dead and cold ! 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 81 

This person was a merchant, and a deputy alder- 
man, and very rich. I care not to mention his 
name, though I knew his name too ; but that would 
be a hardship to the family, which is now flourisk- 
ing again. 

But this is but one. It is scarce credible what 
dreadful cases happened in particular families every 
day ; people, in the rage of the distemper, or in the 
torment of their swellings, which was indeed intol- 
erable, running out of their own government, raving 
and distracted, and oftentimes laying violent hands 
upon themselves, throwing themselves out at their 
windows, shooting themselves, 8cc. Mothers mur- 
dering their own children, in their lunacy ; some 
dying of mere grief, as a passion ; some of mere 
fright and surprise, without any infection at all; 
others frighted into idiotism and foolish distractions ; 
some into despair and lunacy ; others into melan- 
choly madness. 

The pain of the swelling was in particular very 
violent, and to some intolerable ; the physicians and 
surgeons may be said to have tortured many poor 
creatures even to death. The swellings in some 
grew hard, and they applied violent drawing plasters 
or poultices to break them ; and, if these did not do, 
they cut and scarified them in a terrible manner. 
In some, those swellings were made hard, partly by 
the force of the distemper, and partly by their beiog 
too violently drawn, and were so hard, that no in- 
strument could cut them, and then they burnt them 
with caustics, so that many died raving mad with the 
torment, and some in the very operation. In these 
distresses, some, for want of help to hold them down 
in their beds, or to look to them, laid hands upon 
themselves, as above ; some broke out into the 
streets, perhaps naked, and would run directly down 
to the river, if they were not stopped by the watch- 

PLAGUE. G 



82 THE HISTORY OF 

men; or other officers, and plunge themselves into 
the water, wherever they found it. 

It often pierced my very soul to hear the groans 
and cries of those who were thus tormented: but of 
the two this was counted the most promising par- 
ticular in the whole infection ; for, if these swellings 
could be brought to a head, and to break and run, or, 
as the surgeons call it, to digest, the patient gene- 
rally recovered ; whereas those who, like the gen- 
tlewoman's daughter, were struck with death at the 
beginning, and had the tokens come out upon them, 
often went about indifferently easy, till a little before 
they died, and some till the moment they dropt 
down, as, in apoplexies and epilepsies, is often the 
case. Such would be taken suddenly very sick, and 
would run to a bench or bulk, or any convenient 
place that offered itself, or to their own houses, if 
possible, as I mentioned before, and there sit down, 
grow faint, and die. This kind of dying was much 
the same as it was with those who die of common 
mortifications, who die swooning, and, as it were, 
go away in a dream ; such as died thus had very 
little notice of their being infected at all, till the 
gangrene was spread through their whole body ; nor 
could physicians themselves know certainly how it 
was with them, till they opened their breasts, or 
other parts of their body, and saw the tokens. 

We had at this time a great many frightful stories 
told us of nurses and watchmen, who looked after 
the dying people, that is to say, hired nurses, who 
attended infected people, using them barbarously, 
starving them, smothering them, or, by other wicked 
means, hastening their end ; that is to say, murder- 
ing of them. And watchmen being set to guard 
houses that were shut up, when there has been but 
one person left, and perhaps that one lying sick, 
that they have broke in and murdered that body, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 83 

and immediately thrown them out into the dead 
cart; and so they have gone scarce cold to the 
grave. 

I cannot say but that some such murders were 
committed, and I think two were sent to prison for 
it, but died before they could be tried ; and I have 
heard that three others, at several times, were exe- 
cuted for murders of that kind. But, I must say, I 
believe nothing of its being so common a crime as 
some have since been pleased to say ; nor did it seem 
to be so rational, where the people were brought so 
low as not to be able to help themselves, for such 
seldom recovered, and there was no temptation to 
commit a murder ; at least, none equal to the fact, 
where they were sure persons would die in so short 
a time, and could not live. 

That there were a great many robberies and 
wicked practices committed even in this dreadful 
time, I do not deny ; the power of avarice was so 
strong in some, that they would run any hazard to 
steal and to plunder ; and, particularly, in houses 
where all the families or inhabitants have been dead 
and carried out, they would break in at all hazards, 
and, without regard to the danger of infection, take 
even the clothes off the dead bodies, and the bed- 
clothes from others, where they lay dead. 

This, I suppose, must be the case of a family in 
Houndsditch, where a man and his daughter, the 
rest of the family being, as I suppose, carried away 
before by the dead cart, were found stark naked, 
one in one chamber, and one in another, lying dead 
on the floor, and the clothes of the beds, from 
whence, it is supposed, they were rolled off by 
thieves, stolen, and carried quite away. 

It is, indeed, to be observed, that the women 
were, in all this calamity, the most rash, fearless, 
and desperate creatures ; and, as there were vast 

g2 



84 THE HISTORY OF 

numbers that went about as nurses, to tend those 
that were sick, they committed a great many petty 
thieveries in the houses where they were employed ; 
•and some of them were publicly whipt for it, when, 
perhaps, they ought rather to have been hanged for 
examples, for numbers of houses were robbed on 
these occasions ; till, at length, the parish officers 
were sent to recommend nurses to the sick, and al- 
ways took an account who it was they sent, so as 
that they might call them to account, if the house 
had been abused where they were placed. 

But these robberies extended chiefly to wearing 
clothes, linen, and what rings or money they could 
come at, when the person died who was under their 
care, but not to a general plunder of the houses ; 
and I could give you an account of one of these 
nurses, who, several years after, being on her 
death-bed, confessed, with the utmost horror, the 
robberies she had committed at the time of her 
being a nurse, and by which she had enriched her- 
self to a great degree ; but as for murders, I do 
not find that there was ever any proof of the facts, 
in the manner as it has been reported, except as 
above. 

They did tell me, indeed, of a nurse in one place, 
that laid a wet cloth upon the face of a dying patient 
whom she tended, and so put an end to his life, who 
was just expiring before ; and another that smothered 
a young woman she was looking to, when she was 
in a fainting fit, and would have come to herself ; 
some that killed them by giving them one thing, 
some another, and some starved them by giving them 
nothing at all. But these stories had two marks of 
suspicion that always attended them, which caused 
me always to slight them, and to look on them as 
mere stories, that people continually frighted one 
another with. (1.) That, wherever it was that we 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 85 

heard it, they always placed the scene at the fur- 
ther end of the town, opposite, or most remote 
from where you were to hear it. If you heard it in 
Whitechapel, it had happened at St. Giles's, or at 
Westminster, or Holborn, or that end of the 
town ; if you heard it at that end of the town, then 
it was done in Whitechapel, or the Minories, or 
about Cripplegate parish ; if you heard of it in the 
city, why then, it happened in Southwark ; and if 
you heard of it in Southwark, then it was done in 
the city, and the like. 

In the next place, of whatsoever part you heard 
the story, the particulars were always the same, es- 
pecially that of laying a wet double clout on a dying 
man's face, and that of smothering a young gentle- 
woman ; so that it was apparent, at least to my judg- 
ment, that there was more of tale than of truth in 
those things. 

A neighbour and acquaintance of mine, having 
some money owing to him from a shopkeeper in 
Whitecross-street, or thereabouts, sent his appren- 
tice, a youth about eighteen years of age, to endea- 
vour to get the money. He came to the door, and 
finding it shut, knocked pretty hard, and, as he 
thought, heard somebody answer within, but was 
not sure, so he waited, and, after some stay, knocked 
again, and then a third time, when he heard some- 
body coming down stairs. 

At length the man of the house came to the 
door ; he had on his breeches or drawers, and a 
yellow flannel waistcoat, no stockings, a pair of 
slipt shoes, a white cap on his head, and, as the 
young man said, death in his face. 

When he opened the door, says he, What do you 
disturb me thus for ? The boy, though a little sur- 
prised, replied, I come from such-a-one, and my 
master sent me for the money which he says you 



86 THE HISTORY OF 

know of. Very well, child, returns the living ghost, 
call, as you go by, at Cripplegate church, and bid 
them ring the bell ; and, with these words, shut the 
door again, and went up again and died the same 
day, nay, perhaps the same hour. This the young 
man told me himself, and I have reason to believe 
it. This was while the plague was not come to a 
height ; I think it was in June, towards the latter 
end of the month; it must have been before the dead 
carts came about, and while they used the ceremony 
of ringing the bell for the dead, which was over 
for certain in that parish, at least, before the month 
of July ; for, by the 25th of July, there died five 
hundred and fifty and upwards in a week, and 
then they could no more bury, in form, rich or 
poor. 

I have mentioned above, that notwithstanding 
this dreadful calamity, yet that numbers of thieves 
were abroad upon all occasions, where they had 
found any prey; and that these were generally 
women. It was one morning about eleven o'clock, 
I had walked out to my brother's house in Cole- 
man-street parish, as I often did, to see that all 
was safe. 

My brother's house had a little court before it, 
and a brick wall and a gate in it ; and within that, 
several warehouses, where his goods of several 
sorts lay. It happened, that in one of these ware- 
houses were several packs of women's high-crowned 
hats, which came out of the country, and were, 
as I suppose, for exportation ; whither I know 
not. 

I was surprised, that when I came near my 
brother's door, which was in a place they called 
Swan-alley, I met three or four women with high- 
crowned hats on their heads, and, as I remembered 
afterwards, one, if not more, had some hats likewise 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 87 

in their hands ; but as I did not see them come 
out at my brother's door, and not knowing that my 
brother had any such goods in his warehouse, I did 
not offer to say anything to them, but went across 
the way to shun meeting them, as was usual to do 
at that time, for fear of the plague ; but, when I 
came nearer to the gate, I met another woman with 
more hats come out of the gate. What business, 
mistress, said I, have you had there ? There are 
more people there, said she ; I have had no more 
business there than they. I was hasty to get to the 
gate then, and said no more to her; by which means 
she got away. But, just as I came to the gate, I 
saw two more coming across the yard, to come out, 
with hats also on their heads and under their arms ; 
at which I threw the gate to behind me, which, 
having a spring-lock, fastened itself ; and, turning 
to the women, Forsooth, said I, what are you doing 
here ? and seized upon the hats, and took them from 
them. One of them, who, I confess, did not look 
like a thief, Indeed, says she, we are wrong ; but 
we were told they were goods that had no owner ; 
be pleased to take them again, and look yonder, 
there are more such customers as we. She cried, 
and looked pitifully ; so I took the hats from her, 
and opened the gate, and bade them be gone ; for 
I pitied the women indeed : but when I looked 
towards the warehouse, as she directed, there were 
six or seven more, all women, fitting themselves 
with hats, as unconcerned and quiet as if they had 
been at a hatter's shop, buying for their money. 

I was surprised, not at the sight of so many 
thieves only, but at the circumstances I was in ; 
being now to thrust myself in among so many 
people, who, for some weeks, I had been so shy of 
myself, that if I met anybody in the street, I would 
cross the way from them. 



88 THE HISTORY OF 

They were equally surprised, though on another 
account. They all told me they were neighbours, 
that they had heard any one might take them, that 
they were nobody's goods, and the like. I talked 
big to them at first, went back to the gate, and 
took out the key. so that they were all my prison- 
ers ; threatened to lock them all into the warehouse, 
and go and fetch my lord mayor's officers for 
them. 

They begged heartily, protested they found the 
gate open, and the warehouse door open, and that 
it had no doubt been broken open by some who ex- 
pected to find goods of greater value ; which, 
indeed, was reasonable to believe, because the lock 
was broke, and a padlock that hung to the door on 
the outside also loose, and not abundance of the 
hats carried away. 

At length I considered, that this was not a time 
to be cruel and rigorous ; and besides that, it 
would necessarily oblige me to go much about, to 
have several people come to me, and I go to 
several, whose circumstances of health I knew 
nothing of; and that, even at this time, the plague 
was so high, as that there died four thousand a 
week ; so that, in showing my resentment, or even 
in seeking justice for my brother's goods, I might 
lose my own life ; so I contented myself with taking 
the names and places where some of them lived, 
who were really inhabitants in the neighbourhood, 
and threatening, that my brother should call them 
to an account for it when he returned to his habita- 
tion. 

Then I talked a little upon another footing with 
them ; and asked them how they could do such 
things as these, in a time of such general calamity, 
and, as it were, in the face of God's most dreadful 
judgments, when the plague was at their very 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 89 

doors, and, it may be, in their very houses ; and 
they did not know but that the dead cart might 
stop at their doors in a few hours, to carry them 
to their graves. 

I could not perceive that my discourse made 
much impression upon them all that while, till it 
happened that there came two men of the neigh- 
bourhood, hearing of the disturbance, and knowing 
my brother, (for they had been both dependants 
upon his family,) and they came to my assistance. 
These being, as I said, neighbours, presently knew 
three of the women, and told me who they were, 
and where they lived ; and, it seems, they had given 
me a true account of themselves before. 

This brings these two men to a further remem- 
brance. The name of one was.Johngayward^_jeho 
was at that time under-sexton of" the parislTof St. 
Stephen, Coleman-street ; by under-sexton was un- 
derstood at that time grave-digger and bearer of 
the dead. This man carried, or assisted to carry, 
all the dead to their graves, which were buried in 
that large parish, and who were carried in form ; 
and after that form of burying was stopt, went with 
the dead cart and the bell, to fetch the dead bodies 
from the houses where they lay, and fetched many 
of them out of the chambers and houses ; for the 
parish was, and is, still remarkable, particularly, 
above all the parishes in London, for a great num- 
ber of alleys and thoroughfares, very long, into 
which no carts could come, and where they were 
obliged to go and fetch the bodies a very long way, 
which alleys now remain to witness it ; such as 
White's-alley, Cross-Keys-court, Swan-alley, Bell- 
alley, White-Horse-alley, and many more. Here 
they went with a kind of handbarrow, and laid the 
dead bodies on, and carried them out to the carts ; 
which work he performed, and never had the dis- 



90 THE HISTORY OF 

temper at all, but lived about twenty years after it, 
and was sexton of the parish to the time of his death. 
His wife at the same time was a nurse to infected 
people, and tended many that died in the parish, 
being for her honesty recommended by the parish 
officers ; yet she never was infected neither. 

He never used any preservative against the in- 
fection other than holding garlic and rue in his 
mouth, and smoking tobacco ; this I also had from 
his own mouth ; and his wife's remedy was washing 
her head in vinegar, and sprinkling her head-clothes 
so with vinegar, as to keep them always moist ; and 
if the smell of any of those she waited on was more 
than ordinary offensive, she snuffed vinegar up her 
nose, and sprinkled vinegar upon her head-clothes, 
and held a handkerchief wetted with vinegar to her 
mouth. 

It must be confessed, that, though the plague 
was chiefly among the poor, yet were the poor the 
most venturous and fearless of it, and went about 
their employment with a sort of brutal courage. 
I must call it so, for it was founded neither on 
religion or prudence ; scarce did they use any cau- 
tion, but run into any business which they could 
get any employment in, though it was the most 
hazardous; such was that of tending the sick, watch- 
ing houses shut up, carrying infected persons to the 
pest-house, and, which was still worse, carrying the 
dead away to their graves. 

It was under this John Hay ward's care, and 
within his bounds, that the story of the piper, with 
which people have made themselves so merry, hap- 
pened, and he assured me that it was true. It is 
said that it was a blind piper ; but, as John told 
me, the fellow was not blind, but an ignorant, weak, 
poor man, and usually went his rounds about ten 
o'clock at night, and went piping along from door 



THE PLAGUE IN EONDOX. 91 

to door, and the people usually took him in at 
public houses where they knew him, and would 
give him drink and victuals, and sometimes far- 
things ; and he in return would pipe and sing, and 
talk simply, which diverted the people, and thus he 
lived. It was but a very bad time for this diver- 
sion, while things were as I have told, yet the poor 
fellow went about as usual, but was almost starved ; 
and when anybody asked how he did, he woidd 
answer, the dead cart had not taken him yet, but 
that they had promised to call for him next week. 

It happened one night, that this poor fellow, 
whether somebody had given him too much drink 
or no, (John Hayward said he had not drink in his 
house, but that they had given him a little more 
victuals than ordinary at a public house in Cole- 
man-street,) and the poor fellow having not usually 
had a bellyfull, or, perhaps, not a good while, was 
laid all along upon the top of a bulk or stall, and 
fast asleep at a door, in the street near London- 
wall, towards Cripplegate, and that, upon the 
same bulk or stall, the people of some house, in 
the alley of which the house was a corner, hearing 
a bell, which they always rung before the cart came, 
had laid a body really dead of the plague just by 
him, thinking too that this poor fellow had been a 
dead body as the other was, and laid there by some 
of the neighbours. 

Accordingly, when John Hayward with his bell 
and the cart came along, finding two dead bodies 
lie upon the stall, they took them up with the 
instrument they used, and threw them into the 
cart ; and aU this while the piper slept soundly. 

From hence they passed along, and took in other 
dead bodies, till, as honest John Hayward told me, 
they almost buried him alive in the cart, yet all 
this while he slept soundly; at length the cart came 



92 THE HISTORY OP 

to the place where the bodies were to be thrown 
into the ground, which, as I do remember, was at 
Mountmill ; and, as the cart usually stopt some 
time before they were ready to shoot out the me- 
lancholy load they had in it, as soon as the cart 
stopped, the fellow awaked, and struggled a little 
to get his head out from among the dead bodies, 
when, raising himself up in the cart, he called out, 
Hey, where am I ? This frighted the fellow that 
attended about the work, but, after some pause, 
John Hayward recovering himself, said. Lord bless 
us ! there's somebody in the cart not quite dead ! 
So another called to him, and said, Who are you ? 
The fellow answered, I am the poor piper : Where 
am I ? Where are you ! says Hayward ; why, you 
are in the dead cart, and we are going to bury you. 
But I an't dead though, am I ? says the piper ; 
which made them laugh a little, though, as John 
said, they were heartily frightened at first ; so they 
helped the poor fellow down, and he went about 
his business. 

I know the story goes, he set up his pipes in the 
cart, and frighted the bearers and others, so that 
they ran away ; but John Hayward did not tell the 
story so, nor say anything of his piping at all ; but 
that he was a poor piper, and that he was carried 
away as above, I am fully satisfied of the truth of. 

It is to be noted here, that the dead carts in the 
city were not confined to particular parishes, but 
one cart went through several parishes, according 
as the number of dead presented ; nor were they 
tied to carry the dead to their respective parishes, 
but many of the dead taken up in the city were 
carried to the burying-ground in the out-parts for 
want of room. 

At the beginning of the plague, when there was 
now no more hope but that the whole city would 



THE PLAGUE IX LONDON. 93 

be visited; when, as I have said, all that had 
friends or estates in the country retired with their 
families, and when, indeed, one would have thought 
the very city itself was running out of the gates, 
and that there would be nobody left behind, you 
may be sure, from that hour, all trade except such 
as related to immediate subsistence, was, as it were, 
at a full stop. 

This is so lively a case, and contains in it so 
much of the real condition of the people, that I 
think I cannot be too particular in it ; and, there- 
fore, I descend to the several arrangements or 
classes of people who fell into immediate distress 
upon this occasion. For example, 

1. All master workmen in manufactures ; espe- 
cially such as belonged to ornament, and the less 
necessary parts of the people's dress, clothes, and 
furniture for houses ; such as ribband weavers and 
other weavers, gold and silver lace makers, and 
gold and silver wire drawers, sempstresses, milli- 
ners, shoemakers, hat-makers,^aud glove-makers ; 
also upholsterers, joiners, cabinet-makers, looking- 
glass-makers, and innumerable trades which depend 
upon such as these. I say the master workmen in 
such, stopped their work, dismissed their journey- 
men and workmen, and all their dependents. 

2. As merchandizing was at a full stop, (for very 
few ships ventured to come up the river, and none 
at all went out,) so all the extraordinary officers of 
the customs, likewise the watermen, carmen, por- 
ters, and all the poor whose labour depended upon 
the merchants, were at once dismissed, and put out 
of business. 

3. All the tradesmen usually employed In build- 
ing or repairing of houses were at a full stop, for 
the people were far from wanting to build houses, 
when so many thousand houses were at once stript 



94 THE HISTORY OF 

of their inhabitants ; so that this one article turned 
out all the ordinary workmen of that kind of busi- 
ness, such as bricklayers, masons, carpenters, joiners, 
plasterers, painters, glaziers, smiths, plumbers, and 
all the labourers depending on such. 

4. As navigation was at a stop, our ships neither 
coming in or going out as before, so the seamen 
were all out of employment, and many of them in 
the last and lowest degree of distress ; and with the 
seamen, were all the several tradesmen and work- 
men belonging to and depending upon the building 
and fitting out of ships ; such as ship-carpenters, 
calkers, rope-makers, dry coopers, sail-makers, 
anchor-smiths, and other smiths ; block-makers, 
carvers, gun-smiths, ship-chandlers, ship-carvers, 
and the like. The masters of those, perhaps, might 
live upon their substance, but the traders were 
universally at a stop, and consequently all their 
workmen discharged. Add to these, that the river 
was in a manner without boats, and all or most 
part of the watermen, lightermen, boat-builders, 
and lighter-builders, in like manner idle, and laid 

5. All families retrenched their living as much 
as possible, as well those that fled as those that 
stayed ; so that an innumerable multitude of foot- 
men, serving men, shopkeepers, journeymen, mer- 
chants' book-keepers, and such sort of people, and 
especially poor maid-servants, were turned off, and 
left friendless and helpless without employment and 
without habitation; and this was really a dismal 
article. 

I might be more particular as to this part, but it 
may suffice to mention in general, all trades being 
stopt, employment ceased, the labour, and, by that, 
the bread of the poor, were cut off; and at first, 
indeed, the cries of the poor were most lamentable 



THE PLAGUE IJT LONDON. 9o 

to hear ; though, by the distribution of charity, 
their misery that way was gently abated. Many, 
indeed, fled into the country ; but thousands of 
them having stayed in London, till nothing but des- 
peration sent them away, death overtook them on 
the road, and they served for no better than the 
messengers of death ; indeed, others carrying the 
infection along with them, spread it very unhappily 
into the remotest parts of the kingdom. 

The women and servants that were turned off 
from their places were employed as nurses to tend 
the sick in all places ; and this took off a very great 
number of them. 

And which, though a melancholy article in itself, 
yet was a deliverance in its kind, namely, the 
plague, which raged in a dreadful manner from the 
middle of August to the middle of October, carried 
off in that time thirty or forty thousand of these 
very people, which, had they been left, would 
certainly have been an insufferable burden, by 
their poverty ; that is to say, the whole city could 
not have supported the expense of them, or have 
provided food for them ; and they would, in time, 
have been even driven to the necessity of plunder- 
ing either the city itself, or the country adjacent, to 
have subsisted themselves, which would, first or 
last, have put the whole nation, as well as the city, 
into the utmost terror and confusion. 

It was observable then, that this calamity of the 
people made them very humble ; for now, for 
about nine weeks together, there died near a thou- 
sand a day, one day with another ; even by the 
account of the weekly bills, which yet, I have rea- 
son to be assured, never gave a full account by 
many thousands ; the confusion being such, and 
the carts working in the dark when they carried 
the dead, that in some places no account at all was 



96 THE HISTORY OF 

kept, but they worked on ; the clerks and sextons 
not attending for weeks together, and not knowing 
what number they carried. This account is verified 
by the following bills of mortality. 

Of all Diseases. Of the Plague. 

{Aug. 8 to Aug. 15 5319 3880 

to 22 5668 4237 

to 29 7496 6102 

Aug. 29 to Sept. 5 8252 6988 

to 12 7690 6544 

to 19 8297 7165 

to 30 6400 5533 

Sept. 27 to Oct. 3 5728 4929 

to 10 5068 4227 



From 



59,870 49,705 

So that the gross of the people were carried off 
in these two months ; for, as the whole number 
which was brought in to die of the plague was but 
68,590, here is fifty thousand of them, within a 
trifle, in two months ; I say fifty thousand, because, 
as there wants 295 in the number above, so there 
wants two days of two months in the account of 
time. 

Now, when I say that the parish officers did not 
give in a full account, or were not to be depended 
upon for their account, let any one but consider 
how men could be exact in such a time of dread- 
ful distress, and when many of them were taken 
sick themselves, and perhaps died in the very time 
when their accounts were to be given in ; I mean 
the parish-clerks, besides inferior officers ; for 
though these poor men ventured at all hazards, 
yet they were far from being exempt from the com- 
mon calamity; especially if it be true that the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 97 

parish of Stepney had, within the year, 116 sex- 
tons, grave-diggers, and their assistants ; that is to 
say, bearers, bell-men, and drivers of carts, for 
carrying off the dead bodies. 

Indeed the work was not of such a nature as to 
allow them leisure to take an exact tale of the 
dead bodies, which were all huddled together, in 
the dark, into a pit ; which pit, or trench, no man 
could come nigh but at the utmost peril. I have 
observed often, that in the parishes of Aldgate, 
Cripplegate, Whitechapel, and Stepney, there were 
five, six, seven, and eight hundred in a week in the 
bills : whereas, if we may believe the opinion of 
those that lived in the city all the time, as well as 
I, there died sometimes two thousand a week in 
those parishes ; and I saw it under the hand of one 
that made as strict an examination as he could, 
that there really died a hundred thousand people 
of the plague in it that one year ; whereas, in the 
bills, the article of the plague was but 68,590. 

If I may be allowed to give my opinion, by what 
I saw with my eyes, and heard from other people 
that were eyewitnesses, I do verily believe the same, 
viz. that there died, at least, a hundred thousand of 
the plague only, besides other distempers ; and be- 
sides those which died in the fields and highways, 
and secret places, out of the compass of the com- 
munication, as it was called, and who were not 
put down in the bills, though they reaUy belonged 
to the body of the inhabitants. It was known to 
us all, that abundance of poor despairing creatures, 
who had the distemper upon them, and were grown 
stupid or melancholy by their misery, as many 
were, wandered away into the fields and woods, 
and into secret uncouth places, almost anywhere, 
to creep into a bush or hedge, and die. 

The inhabitants of the villages adjacent, would, 

PLAGUE. H 



Ho, clea 



98 THE HISTORY OF 

in pity, carry them food, and set it at a distance, 
that they might fetch it if they were able, and 
sometimes they were not able ; and the next time 
they went, they would find the poor wretches lie 
dead, and the food untouched. The number of 
these miserable objects were many ; and I know 
so many that perished thus, and so exactly where, 
that I believe I could go to the very place and dig 
their bones up still ; for the country people would 
go and dig a hole at a distance from them, and 
then, with long poles and hooks at the end of them, 
drag the bodies into these pits, and then throw 
the earth in form, as far as they could cast it, to 
cover them ; taking notice how the wind blew, and 
so come on that side which the seamen call to 
windward, that the scent of the bodies might blow 
from them. And thus great numbers went out of 
the world who were never known, or any account 
of them taken, as well within the bills of mortality 
as without. 

This, indeed, I had, in the main, only from the 
relation of others ; for I seldom walked into the 
fields, except towards Bethnal-green and Hackney; 
or as hereafter. But when I did walk, I always 
saw a great many poor wanderers at a distance, but 
I could know little of their cases ; for, whether it 
were in the street or in the fields, if we had seen 
anybody coming, it was a general method to walk 
away ; yet I believe the account is exactly true. 

As this puts me upon mentioning my walking the 
streets and fields, I cannot omit taking notice what 
a desolate place the city was at that time. The 
great street I lived in, which is known to be one of 
the broadest of all the streets of London, I mean of 
the suburbs as well as the liberties, all the side 
where the butchers lived, especially without the 
bars, was more like a green field than a paved 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 99 

Street, and the people generally went in the middle 
with the horses and carts. It is true, that the far- 
thest end, towards Whitechapel church, was not all 
paved, but even the part that was paved was full of 
grass also ; but this need not seem strange, since 
the great streets within the city, such as Leaden- 
hall-street, Blshopsgate-street, Cornhill, and even 
the Exchange itself, had grass growing in them in 
several places ; neither cart nor coach was seen in 
the streets from morning to evening, except some 
country carts to bring roots and beans, or pease, 
hay, and straw, to the market, and those but very 
few compared to what was usual. As for coaches, 
they were scarce used but to carry sick people to 
the pesthouse and to other hospitals, and some few 
to carry physicians to such places as they thought 
fit to venture to visit ; for really coaches were dan- 
gerous things, and people did not care to venture 
into them, because they did not know who might 
have been carried in them last ; and sick infected 
people were, as I have said, ordinarily carried in 
them to the pesthouses, and sometimes people ex- 
pired in them as they went along. 

It is true, when the infection came to such a 
height as I have now mentioned, there were very 
few physicians who cared to stir abroad to sick 
houses, and very many of the most eminent of the 
faculty were dead, as well as the surgeons also; for 
now it was indeed a dismal time, and, for about a 
month together, not taking any notice of the bills 
of mortality, I believe there did not die less than 
fifteen or seventeen hundred a day, one day with 
another. 

One of the worst days we had in the whole time, 
as I thought, was in the beginning of Septem- 
ber ; when, indeed, good people were beginning to 
think that God was resolved to make a full end of 

u2 



100 THE HISTORY OF 

the people in this miserable city. This was at that 
time when the plague was fully come into the 
eastern parishes. The parish of Aldgate, if I may 
give my opinion, buried above one thousand a week 
for two weeks, though the bills did not say so 
many ; but it surrounded me at so dismal a rate, 
that there was not a house in twenty uninfected. 
]n the Minories, in Houndsditch, and in those parts 
of Aldgate parish about the Butcher-row, and the 
alleys over-against me, I say, in those places death 
reigned in every corner. Whitechapel parish was 
in the same condition, and though much less than 
the parish I lived in, yet buried near six hundred 
a week, by the bills, and in my opinion, near 
twice as many ; whole families, and, indeed, whole 
streets of families, were swept away together; 
insomuch, that it was frequent for neighbours to 
call to the bellman to go to such and such houses 
and fetch out the people, for that they were all 
dead. 

And indeed, the work of removing the dead 
bodies by carts was now grown so very odious and 
dangerous, that it was complained of that the 
bearers did not take care to clear such houses 
where all the inhabitants were dead, but that some 
of the bodies lay unburied, till the neighbouring 
families were offended by the stench, and conse- 
quently, infected. And this neglect of the officers 
was such, that the churchwardens and constables 
were summoned to look after it ; and even the jus- 
tices of the hamlets were obliged to venture their 
lives among them, to quicken and encourage them ; 
for innumerable of the bearers died of the distem- 
per, infected by the bodies they were obliged to 
come so near ; and had it not been that the num- 
ber of people who wanted employment, and wanted 
bread, as I have said before, was so great, that ne- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDOX. lOl 

cessity drove them to undertake anything, and 
venture anything, they would never have found 
people to be employed ; and then the bodies of the 
dead would have lain above ground and have pe- 
rished and rotted in a dreadful manner. 

But the magistrates cannot be enough com- 
mended in this, that they kept such good order for 
the burying of the dead, that as fast as any of those 
they employed to carry off and bury the dead, fell 
sick or died, as was many times the case, they im- 
mediately supplied the places with others, which, 
by reason of the great number of poor that was left 
out of business, as above, was not hard to do. This 
occasioned that, notwithstanding the infinite num- 
ber of people which died, and were sick, almost all 
together, yet they were always cleared away, and 
carried off every night ; so that it was never to be 
said of London, that the living were not able to 
bury the dead. 

As the desolation was greater during those ter- 
rible times, so the amazement of the people in- 
creased ; and a thousand unaccountable things they 
would do in the violence of their fright, as others 
did the same in the agonies of their distemper ; and 
this part was very affecting. Some went roaring, 
and crying, and wringing their hands along the 
street ; some would go praying and lifting up their 
hands to heaven, calling upon God for mercy. I 
cannot say, indeed, whether this was not in their 
distraction ; but, be it so, it was still an indication 
of a more serious mind, when they had the use of 
their senses, and was much better, even as it was, 
than the frightful yellings and cryings that every 
day, and especially in the evenings, were heard in 
some streets. I suppose the world has heard of the 
famous Solomon Eagle, an enthusiast ; he, though 
not infected at all, but in his head, went about de- 



102 THE HISTORY OF 

nouncing of judgment upon the city in a frightful 
manner ; sometimes quite naked, and with a pan of 
burning charcoal on his head. What he said or 
pretended, indeed, I could not learn. 

I will not say whether that clergyman was dis- 
tracted or not, or whether he did it out of pure 
zeal for the poor people, who went every evening 
through the streets of Whitechapel, and, with his 
hands lifted up, repeated that part of the liturgy of 
the church, continually. Spare us, good Lord, spare 
thy people, whom thou hast redeemed with thy 
most precious blood ; I say, I cannot speak positively 
of these things, because these were only the dismal 
objects which represented themselves to me as I 
looked through my chamber windows, for I seldom 
opened the casements, while I confined myself 
within doors during that most violent raging of the 
pestilence, when, indeed, many began to think, 
and even to say, that there would none escape ; and 
indeed, I began to think so too, and, therefore, kept 
within doors for about a fortnight, and never stirred 
out. But I could not hold it. Besides, there were 
some people, who, notwithstanding the danger, did 
not omit publicly to attend the worship of God, 
even in the most dangerous times. And though it 
is true that a great many of the clergy did shut up 
their churches and fled, as other people did, for the 
safety of their lives, yet all did not do so ; some 
ventured to officiate, and to keep up the assemblies 
of the people by constant prayers, and sometimes 
sermons or brief exhortations to repentance and 
reformation ; and this as long as they would hear 
them. And dissenters did the like also, and even 
in the very churches where the parish ministers 
were either dead or fled ; nor was there any room 
for making any difference at such a time as this 
was. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON, 103 

It pleased God that I was still spared, and very 
hearty and sound in health, but very impatient of 
being pent up within doors without air, as I had 
been for fourteen days or thereabouts ; and I could 
not restrain myself, but I would go and carry a 
letter for my brother to the post-house ; then it 
was, indeed, that I observed a profound silence in 
the streets. When I came to the post-house, as I 
went to put in my letter, I saw a man stand in one 
corner of the yard, and talking to another at a 
window, and a third had opened a door belonging 
to the office. In the middle of the yard lay a small 
leather parse, with two keys hanging at it, with 
money in it, but nobody would meddle with it. I 
asked how long it had lain there ; the man at the 
window said it had lain almost an hour, but they 
had not meddled with it, because they did not know 
but the person who dropt it might come back to 
look for it. I had no such need of money, nor was 
the sum so big, that I had any inclination to meddle 
with it, or to get the money at the hazard it might 
be attended with ; so I seemed to go away, when 
the man who had opened the door said he would 
take it up ; but so, that if the right owner came for 
it he should be sure to have it. So he went in and 
fetched a pail of water, and set it down hard by the 
parse, then went again and fetched some gun- 
powder, and cast a good deal of powder upon the 
purse, and then made a train from that which he 
had thrown loose upon the purse, the train reached 
about two yards ; after this he goes in a third time, 
and fetches out a pair of tongs red-hot, and which 
he had prepared, I suppose, on purpose ; and first 
setting fire to the train of powder, that singed the 
parse, and also smoked the air sufficiently. But 
he was not content with that, but he then takes up 
the purse with the tongs, holding it so long till the 



104 THE HISTORY OF 

tongs burnt through the purse, and then he shook 
the money out into the pail of water, so he carried 
it in. The money, as I remember, was about thir- 
teen shillings, and some smooth groats and brass 
farthings. 

Much about the same time, I walked out into the 
fields towards Bow ; for I had a great mind to see 
how things were managed in the river, and among 
the ships ; and as I had some concern in shipping, 
I had a notion that it had been one of the best ways 
of securing one's self from the infection to have re- 
tired into a ship ; and musing how to satisfy my 
curiosity in that point, I turned away over the ^elds, 
from Bow to Bromley and down to Blackwall, to 
the stairs that are there for landing or taking water. 

Here I saw a poor man walking on the bank or 
sea-wall, as they call it, by himself. I walked 
awhile also about, seeing the houses all shut up ; at 
last I fell into some talk, at a distance with this 
poor man. First I asked him how people did there- 
abouts ? Alas ! sir, say hcj almost desolate, all dead 
or sick : here are very few families in this part, or 
in that village, pointing at Poplar, where half of 
them are not dead already, and the rest sick. Then 
he pointing to one house. There they are all dead, 
said he, and the house stands open, nobody dares 
go into it. A poor thief, says he, ventured in to 
steal something, but he paid dear for his theft, for 
he was carried to the churchyard too, last night. 
Then he pointed to several other houses. There, 
says he, they are all dead, the man and his wife and 
five children. There, says he, they are shut up, 
you see a watchman at the door ; and so of other 
houses. Why, says I, what do you here all alone ? 
Why, says he, I am a poor desolate man ; it hath 
pleased God I am not yet visited, though my family 
is, and one of my children dead. How do you mean 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 105 

then, said I, that you are not visited? Why, says 
he, that is my house, pointing to a very little low 
boarded house, and there my poor wife and two 
children live, said he, if they may be said to live ; 
for my wife and one of the children are visited, but 
I do not come at them. And with that word I saw 
the tears run very plentifully down his face ; and so 
they did down mine too, I assure you. 

But, said I, why do you not come at them ? How 
can you abandon your own flesh and blood? Oh, 
sir, says he, the Lord forbid ; I do not abandon 
them, I work for them as much as I am able ; and, 
blessed be the Lord, I keep them from want. And 
with that I observed he lifted up his eyes to heaven 
with a countenance that presently told me I had 
happened on a man that was no hypocrite, but a 
serious, religious, good man ; and his ejaculation 
was an expression of thankfulness, that, in such a 
condition as he was in, he should be able to say his 
family did not want. Well, says I, honest man, 
that is a great mercy, as things go now with the 
poor. But how do you live then, and how are you 
kept from the dreadful calamity that is now upon 
us all ? Why, sir, says he, I am a waterman, and 
there is my boat, says he, and the boat serves me 
for a house ; I work in it in the day, and I sleep in 
it in the night, and what I get I lay it down upon 
that stone, says he, showing me a broad stone on 
the other side of the street, a good way from his 
house ; and then, says he, I halloo and call to them 
till I make them hear, and they come and fetch it. 

Well, friend, says I, but how can you get money 
as a waterman? Does anybody go by water these 
times ? Yes, sir, says he, in the way I am employed 
there does. Do you see there, says he, five ships 
lie at anchor, pointing down the river a good way 
below the town ; and do you see, says he, eight or 



106 THE HISTORY OF 

ten ships lie at the chain there, and at anchor 
yonder, pointing above the town. All those ships 
have families on board, of their ' merchants and 
owners, and such-like, who have locked themselves 
up, and live on board, close shut in, for fear of the 
infection ; and I tend on them to fetch things for 
them, carry letters, and do what is absolutely neces- 
sary, that they may not be obliged to come on shore ; 
and every night I fasten my boat on board one of 
the ship's boats, and there I sleep by myself, and, 
blessed be God, I am preserved hitherto. 

Well, said I, friend, but will they let you come 
on board after you have been on shore here, when 
this has been such a terrible place, and so infected 
as it is ? 

Why, as to that, said he, I very seldom go up the 
ship side, but deliver what I bring to their boat, or 
lie by the side and they hoist it on board : if I did, 
I think they are in no danger from me, for I never 
go into any house on shore, or touch anybody, no, 
not of my own family ; but I fetch provisions for 
them. 

Nay, says I, but that may be worse, for you must 
have those provisions of somebody or other ; and 
since all this part of the town is so infected, it is 
dangerous so much as to speak with anybody ; for 
the village, said I, is as it were the beginning of 
London, though it be at some distance from it. 

That is true, added he, but you do not under- 
stand me right. I do not buy provisions for them 
here, I row up to Greenwich, and buy fresh meat 
there, and sometimes I row down the river to 
Woolwich and buy there ; then I go to single farm 
houses on the Kentish side, where I am known, and 
buy fowls, and eggs, and butter, and bring to the 
ships, as they direct me, sometimes one sometimes 
the other. I seldom come on shore here ; and I 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 107 

came only now to call my wife and hear how my 
little family do, and give them a little money which 
I received last night. 

Poor man I said I; and how much hast thou gotten 
for them ? 

I have gotten four shillings, said he, which is a 
great sum, as things go now with poor men ; but 
they have given me a bag of bread too, and a salt 
fish, and some flesh ; so all helps out. 

Well, said I, and have you given it them yet ? 

No, said he, but I have called, and my wife has 
answered that she cannot come out yet, but in half 
an hour she hopes to come, and I am waiting for 
her. Poor woman I says he, she is brought sadly 
down ; she has had a swelling, and it is broke, and 
I hope she will recover, but I fear the child will 
die ; but it is the Lord ! — Here he stopt, and wept 
very much. 

Well, honest friend, said I, thou hast a sure com- 
forter, if thou hast brought thyself to be resigned to 
the will of God ; he is dealing with us all in 
judgment. 

Oh, sir, says he, it is infinite mercy if any of us 
are spared ; and who am I to repine I 

Say'st thou so, said I ; and how much less is my 
faith than thine? And here my heart smote me, 
suggesting how much better this poor man's founda- 
tion was, on which he stayed in the danger, than 
mine ; that he had nowhere to fly ; that he had a 
family to bind him to attendance, which I had not ; 
and mine was mere presumption, his a true depen- 
dence, and a courage resting on God ; and yet, that 
he used all possible caution for his safety. 

I turned a little way from the man, while these 
thoughts engaged me ; for, indeed, I could no more 
refrain from tears than he. 



108 THE HISTORY OF 

At length, after some further talk, the poor 
woman opened the door, and called, Robert, Robert; 
he answered, and bid her stay a few moments, and 
he would come ; so he ran down the common stairs 
to his boat, and fetched up a sack in which was the 
provisions he had brought from the ships ; and 
when he returned, he hallooed again ; then he went 
to the great stone which he showed me, and emptied 
the sack, and laid all out, everything by themselves, 
and then retired ; and his wife came with a little 
boy to fetch them away ; and he called, and said, 
such a captain had sent such a thing, and such a 
captain such a thing, and at the end adds, God 
has sent it all, give thanks to him. When the poor 
woman had taken up all, she was so weak she could 
not carry it at once in, though the weight was not 
much neither ; so she left the biscuit which was in 
a little bag, and left a little boy to watch it till she 
came again. 

Well, but, says I to him, did you leave her the 
four shillings too, which you said was your week's 
pay? 

\ es, yes, says he, you shall hear her own it. So 
he calls again, Rachel, Rachel, which, it seems was 
her name, did you take up the money ? Yes, said 
she How much was it? said he. Four shillings 
and a groat, said she. Well, well, says he, the Lord 
keep you all ; and so he turned to go away. 

As I could not refrain contributing tears to this 
man's story, so neither could I refrain my charity 
for his assistance ; so I called him, Hark thee, 
friend, said I, come hither, for I believe thou art in 
health, that I may venture thee ; so I pulled out 
my hand, which was in my pocket before, Here, 
says I, go and call thy Rachel once more, and give 
her a little more comfort from me. God will never 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 109 

forsake a family that trust in him as thou dost ; so 
I gave him four other shillings, and bid him go lay 
them on the stone, and call his wife. 

I have not words to express the poor man's 
thankfulness, neither could he express it himself, 
but by tears running down his face. He called his 
wife, and told her God had moved the heart of a 
stranger, upon hearing their condition, to give them 
all that money, and a great deal more such as that 
he said to her. The woman too made signs of the 
like thankfulness, as well to heaven as to me, and 
joyfully picked it up ; and I parted with no money 
all that year that I thought better bestowed. 

I then asked the poor man if the distemper had 
not reached to Greenwich. He said it had not till 
about a fortnight before, but that then he feared it 
had ; but that it was only at that end of the town 
which lay south towards Deptford bridge ; that he 
went only to a butcher's shop and a grocer's, where 
he generally bought such things as they sent him 
for, but was very careful. 

I asked him then, how it came to pass, that those 
people who had so shut themselves up in the ships 
had not laid in sufficient stores of all things neces- 
sary ? He said some of them had, but, on the other 
hand, some did not come on board till they were 
frightened into it, and till it was too dangerous for 
them to go to the proper people to lay in quantities 
of things, and that he waited on two ships which he 
showed me, that had laid in little or nothing but 
biscuit-bread and ship-beer, and that he had bought 
everything else almost for them. I asked him, if 
there was any more ships that had separated them- 
selves as those had done ? He told me, Yes, all the 
way up from the point, right against Greenwich, to 
within the shore of Limehouse and Redriff, all the 
ships that could have room to ride two and two in 



110 THE HISTORY OF 

the middle of the stream ; and that some of them 
had several families on board. I asked him if the 
distemper had not reached them ? He said, he be- 
lieved it had not, except two or three ships, whose 
people had not been so watchful to keep the seamen 
from going on shore as others had been ; and he 
said it was a very fine sight to see how the ships lay 
up the pool. 

When he said he was going over to Greenwich, 
as soon as the tide began to come in, I asked if he 
would let me go with him and bring me back ; for 
that I had a great mind to see how the ships were 
ranged, as he had told me. He told me, if 1 would 
assure him on the word of a Christian, and of an 
honest man, that I had not the distemper, he would. 
I assured him that I had not ; that it had pleased 
God to preserve me ; that I lived in Whitechapel, 
but was too impatient of being so long within doors, 
and that I had ventured out so far for the refreshment 
of a little air, but that none in my house had so 
much as been touched with it. 

Well, sir, says he, as your charity has been 
moved to pity me and my poor family, sure you 
cannot have so little pity left as to put yourself into 
my boat if you were not sound in health, which 
would be nothing less than killing me and ruining 
my whole family. The poor man troubled me so 
much, when he spoke of his family with such a sens- 
ible concern, and in such an affectionate manner, 
that I could not satisfy myself at first to go at all. 
I told him, I would lay aside my curiosity rather 
than make him uneasy ; though I was sure, and 
very thankful for it, that I had no more distemper 
upon me than the freshest man in the world. Well, 
he would not have me put it off neither, but, to let 
me see how confident he was, that I was just to him, 
now importuned me to go ; so, when the tide came 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. Ill 

up to his boat, I went in, and he carried me to 
Greenwich. While he bought the things which 
he had in charge to buy, I walked up to the top of 
the hill, under which the town stands, and on the 
east side of the town, to get a prospect of the river ; 
but it was a surprising sight to see the number of 
ships which lay in rows, two and two, and in some 
places, two or three such lines in the breadth of the 
river, and this not only up quite to the town, be- 
tween the houses which we call RatclifF and Redriff, 
which they name the pool, but even down the whole 
river, as far. as the head of Long-Reach, which is as 
far as the hills give us leave to see it. 

I cannot guess at the number of ships, but I think 
there must have been several hundred sail, and I 
could not but applaud the contrivance ; for ten 
thousand people and more, who attended ship affairs, 
were certainly sheltered here from the violence of 
the contagion, and lived very safe and very easy. 

I returned to my own dwelling, very well satisfied 
with my day's journey, and particularly with the 
poor man ; also, I rejoiced to see, that such little 
sanctuaries were provided for so many families, in 
a time of such desolation. I observed also, that, as 
the violence of the plague had increased, so the 
ships which had families on board removed and went 
further off, till, as I was told, some went quite away 
to sea, and put into such harbours and safe roads on 
the north coast as they could best come at. 

But it was also true, that all the people who thus 
left the land, and thus lived on board the ships, were 
not entirely safe from the infection ; for many died 
and were thrown overboard into the river, some in 
coffins, and some, as I heard, without coffins, whose 
bodies were seen sometimes to drive up and down, 
with the tide in the river. 

But I believe, I may venture to say, that, in those 



112 THE HISTORY OF 

ships which were thus infected, it either happened 
where the people had recourse to them too late, and 
did not fly to the ship till they had stayed too long 
on shore, and had the distemper upon them, though 
perhaps, they might not perceive it; and so the 
distemper did not come to them on board the 
ships, but they really carried it with them. Or, it 
was in these ships, where the poor waterman said 
they had not had time to furnish themselves with 
provisions, but were obliged to send often on shore 
to buy what they had occasion for, or suffered boats 
to come to them from the shore ; and so the dis- 
temper was brought insensibly among them. 

As the richer sort got into ships, so the lower 
rank got into hoys, smacks, lighters, and fishing- 
boats ; and many, especially watermen, lay in their 
boats ; but those made sad work of it, especially the 
latter, for going about for provision, and perhaps 
to get their subsistence, the infection got in among 
them, and made a fearful havoc ; many of the water- 
men died alone in their wherries, as they lay at their 
roads, as well above bridge as below, and were not 
found sometimes till they were not in condition 
for any one to come near them. 

Indeed, the distress of the people at this seafaring 
end of the town was very deplorable, and deserved 
the greatest commiseration ; but, alas ! this was a 
time when every one's private safety lay so near 
them, that they had no room to pity the distresses 
of others ; for every one had death, as it were, at 
his door, and many even in their families ; and knew 
not what to do, or whither to fly. 

This, I say, took away all compassion ; self-pre- 
servation, indeed, appeared here to be the first law. 
For the children ran away from their parents, as 
they languished in the utmost distress; and, in some 
cases, though not so frequent as the other, parents 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 113 

did the like to their children ; nay, some dreadful 
examples there were, and particularly two in one 
week, of distressed mothers, raving and distracted, 
killing their own children ; one whereof was not far 
off from where I dwelt, the poor lunatic creature 
not living herself long enough to be sensible of the 
sin of what she had done, much less to be punished 
for it. 

It is not, indeed, to be wondered at ; for the 
danger of immediate death to ourselves, took away 
all bowels of love, all concern for one another. I 
speak in general ; for there were many instances of 
immoveable affection, pity, and duty, in many, and 
some that came to my knowledge, that is to say, by 
hearsay ; for I shall not take upon me to vouch the 
truth of the particulars. 

To introduce one, let me first mention, that one 
of the most deplorable cases, in all the present ca- 
lamity, was that of women with child ; who, when 
they came to the hour of their sorrows, and their 
pains came upon them, could neither have help of 
one kind or another ; neither midwife or neighbour- 
ing women to come near them ; most of the mid- 
wives were dead, especially of such as served the 
poor ; and many, if not all the midwives of note, 
were fled into the country ; so that it was next to 
impossible for a poor woman, that could not pay an 
immoderate price, to get any midwife to come to 
her ; and, if they did, those they could get were 
generally unskilful and ignorant creatures ; and the 
consequence of this was, that a most unusual and 
incredible number of women were reduced to the 
utmost distress. Some were delivered and spoiled 
by the rashness and ignorance of those who pre- 
tended to lay them. Children without number, were, 
I might say, murdered by the same, but a more 
justifiable ignorance, pretending they would save 

PLAGUE. I 



114 



THE HISTORY OP 



the mother whatever became of the child; and many 
times, both mother and child were lost in the same 
manner ; and, especially, where the mothers had the 
distemper, then nobody would come near them, and 
both sometimes perished. Sometimes the mother 
has died of the plague ; and the infant, it may be, 
half born, or born, but not parted from the mother. 
Some died in the very pains of their travail, and not 
delivered at all ; and so many were the cases of this 
kind, that it is hard to judge of them. 

Something of it will appearinthe unusual numbers 
which are put into the weekly bills, (though I am 
far from allowing them to be able to give anything 
of a full account,) under the articles of childbed, 
abortive and stillborn, chrisoms and infants. 

Take the weeks in which the plague was most 
violent, and compare them with the weeks before 
the dist,emper began, even in the same year. For 
example : 



Childbed. Ab. Still-h. 

(Jan. 3 to Jan. 10 7 1 13 

to 7 8 6 II 

to 24 9 5 15 

to 31 3 2 9 

From ^ Jan. 31 to Feb. 7 3 3 8 

to 14 6 2 II 

to 21 5 2 J3 

to 28 2 2 10 

Feb. 7 to Mar. 7 5 1 10 



48 24 100 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 



fAug. 



From < 



Sept. 



115 

Childbed. Ab. Still-b. 
\ to Aug. 8 26 o 11 



to 15... 


...23... 


... 6... 


... 8 


to 22... 


...28... 


... 4... 


... 4 


to 29... 


...40... 


... 6... 


...10 


to Sept. 5... 


...38... 


... 2... 


...11 


to 12... 


...39... 


...23... 




to 19... 


...42... 


... 5... 


...17 


to 26... 


...42... 


... 6... 


...10 


to Oct. 3... 


...14... 


... 4... 


... 9 




291 


61 


80 



To the disparity of these numbers, is to be con- 
sidered and allowed for, that, according to our 
usual opinion, who were then upon the spot, there 
were not one-third of the people in the town during 
the months of August and September, as were in 
the months of January and February. In a word, 
the usual number that used to die of these three 
articles, and, as I hear, did die of them the year 
before, was thus : 

1664 ^ ^^^^^^^^' ^^^ 

( Abortive and Stillborn, 458 

647 

^gg. / Childbed, 625 

\ Abortive and Stillborn, 617 

1242 



This inequality, I say, is exceedingly augmented, 
when the numbers of people are considered. I 
pretend not to make any exact calculation of the 
numbers of people which were at this time in the 

i2 



116 THE HISTORY OF 

city ; but I shall make a probable conjecture at 
that part by and by. What I have said now is to 
explain the misery of those poor creatures above ; 
so that it might well be said, as in the Scripture, 
" Woe be to those who are with child, and to those 
which give suck in that day ;" for, indeed, it was a 
woe to them in particular. 

I was not conversant in many particular families 
where these things happened ; but the outcries of 
the miserable were heard afar off. As to those who 
were with child, we have seen some calculation 
made, 291 women dead in childbed in nine weeks; 
out of one-third part of the number of whom there 
usually died in that time but eighty-four of the 
same disaster. Let the reader calculate the pro- 
portion. 

There is no room to doubt but the misery of 
those that gave suck was, in proportion, as great. 
Our bills of mortality could give but little light in 
this ; yet some it did ; there were several more than 
usual starved at nurse ; but this was nothing. The 
misery was, where they were (1.) starved for want 
of a nurse, the mother dying, and all the family and 
the infants found dead by them, merely for want ; 
and, if I may speak my opinion, I do believe, that 
many poor helpless infants perished in this manner. 
(2.) Not starved, but poisoned, by the nurse ; nay, 
even where the mother has been nurse, and, having 
received the infection, has poisoned, that is, infected 
the infant with her milk, even before they knew 
they were infected themselves ; nay, and the infant 
has died in such a case before the mother. I can- 
not but remember to leave this admonition upon 
record, if ever such another dreadful visitation 
should happen in this city ; that all women that 
are with child, or that give suck, should be gone, 
if they have any possible means, out of the place ; 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDOX. 117 

because their misery, if infected, will so much ex- 
ceed all other people's. 

I could tell here dismal stories of living infants 
being found sucking the breasts of their mothers, 
or nurses, after they have been dead of the plague. 
Of a mother, in the parish where I lived, who, 
having a child that was not well, sent for an apo- 
thecary to view the child, and when he came, as 
the relation goes, was giving the child suck at her 
breast, and to all appearance, was herself very well ; 
but when the apothecary came close to her, he saw 
the tokens upon that breast with which she was 
suckling the child. He was surprised enough to 
be sure, but not willing to fright the poor woman 
too much, he desired she would give the child into 
his hand ; so he takes the child, and, going to a 
cradle in the room, lays it in, and, opening its 
clothes, found the tokens upon the child too, and 
both died before he could get home to send a pre- 
ventative medicine to the father of the child, to 
whom he had told their condition. Whether the 
child infected the nurse-mother, or the mother the 
child, was not certain, but the last most likely. 

Likewise of a child brought home to the parents 
from a nurse that had died of the plague ; yet the 
tender mother would not refuse to take in her 
child, and laid it in her bosom, by which she was 
infected, and died, with the child in her arms dead 
also. 

It would make the hardest heart move at the in- 
stances that were frequently to be found of tender 
mothers, tending and watching with their dear 
children, and even dying before them ; and some- 
times taking the distemper from them, and dying, 
when the child, for whom the affectionate heart 
had been sacrificed, has got over it and escaped. 
The like of a tradesman in East Smithfield, 



118 THE HISTORY OP 

whose wife was big with child of her first child, 
and fell into labour, having the plague upon her- 
He could neither get midwife to assist her, nor 
nurse to tend her ; and two servants which he 
kept, fled both from her. He ran from house to 
house like one distracted, but could get no help ; 
the utmost he could get was, that a watchman, 
who attended at an infected house shut up, pro- 
mised to send a nurse in the morning. The poor 
man, with his heart broke, went back, assisted his 
wife what he could, acted the part of midwife, 
brought the child dead into the world; and his 
wife, in about an hour, died in his arms, where he 
held the dead body fast till the morning, when the 
watchman came and brought a nurse, as he had 
promised ; and coming up the stairs, for he had 
left the door open, or only latched, they found the 
man sitting with his dead wife in his arms, and so 
overwhelmed with grief, that he died in a few 
hours after, without any sign of infection upon 
him, but merely sunk under the weight of his 
grief. 

I have heard also of some, who, on the death of 
their relations, have grown stupid with the insup- 
portable sorrow ; and of one in particular, who 
was so absolutely overcome with the pressure upon 
his spirits, that, by degrees, his head sunk into his 
body so, between his shoulders, that the crown 
of his head was very little seen above the bone 
of his shoulders ; and, by degrees, losing both 
voice and sense, his face looking forward, lay 
against his collar-bone, and could not be kept up 
imless held up by the hands of other people ; and 
the poor man never came to himself again, but 
languished near a year in that condition, and died. 
Nor was he ever seen once to lift up his eyes, or to 
look upon any particular object. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 119 

As I am now talking of the time when the plague 
raged at the easternmost part of the town ; how 
for a long time the people of those parts had 
flattered themselves that they should escape, and 
how they were surprised when it came upon them 
as it did ; for, indeed, it came upon them like an 
armed man when it did come ; I say, this brings 
me back to the three poor men who wandered from 
Wapping, not knowing whither to go, or what to 
do, and who I mentioned before ; one a biscuit- 
baker, one a sail-maker, and the other a joiner ; all 
of Wapping, or thereabouts ; two of them were 
said to be brothers. Says John, the biscuit-baker, 
one day to Thomas, his brother, the sail-maker. 
Brother Tom, what will become of us ? the plague 
grows hot in the city, and increases this way : 
what shall we do ? 

Truly, says Thomas, I am at a great loss what 
to do, for, I find, if it comes down into Wapping, 
I shall be turned out of my lodging. And thus 
they began to talk of it beforehand. 

John. Turned out of your lodging, Tom I if you 
are, I don't know who will take you in ; for people 
are so afraid of one another now, there is no getting 
a lodging anywhere. 

Tho. Why, the people where I lodge are good 
civil people, and have a kindness for me too ; but 
they say I go abroad every day to my work, and it 
will be dangerous ; and they talk of locking them- 
selves up, and letting nobody come near them. 

John. Why, they are in the right, to be sure, if 
they resolve to venture staying in town. 

Tho. Nay, I might even resolve to stay within 
doors too for, except a suit of sails that my master 
has in hand, and which I am just finishing, I am 
like to get no more work a great while ; there is no 
work stirs now, workmen and servants are turned 



120 THE HISTORY OP 

off everywhere, so that I might be glad to be locked 
up too. But I do not see they will be willing to 
consent to that any more than to the other. 

John. Why, what will you do then, brother ? 
and what shall I do ? for I am almost as bad as 
you. The people where I lodge are all gone into 
the country, but a maid, and she is to go the next 
week, and to shut the house quite up, so that I 
shall be turned adrift to the wide world before you; 
and I am resolved to go away too, if I knew but 
where to go. 

Tho. We were both distracted we did not go 
away at the first, then we might have travelled 
anywhere ; there is no stirring now ; we shall be 
starved if we pretend to go out of town, they will 
not let us have victuals, no, not for our money, nor 
let us come into the towns, much less into their 
houses. 

John. And that which is almost as bad, I have 
but little money to help myself with neither. 

Tho. As to that, we might make shift ; I have a 
little, though not much ; but I tell you there is no 
stirring on the road. I know a couple of poor 
honest men in our street have attempted to travel ; 
and at Barnet, or Whetstone, or thereabout, the 
people offered to fire at them, if they pretended to 
go forward ; so they are come back again quite 
discouraged. 

John. I would have ventured their fire, if I had 
been there. If I had been denied food for my 
money, they should have seen me take it before 
their faces ; and if I had tendered money for it, 
they could not have taken any course with me by 
the law. 

Tho. You talk your old soldier's language, as if 
you were in the Low Countries now ; but this is a 
serious thing. The people have good reason to 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 121 

keep anybody off that they are not satisfied are 
sound, at such a time as this, and we must not 
plunder them. 

John. No, brother, you mistake the case, and 
mistake me too, I would plunder nobody ; but for 
any town upon the road to deny me leave to pass 
through the town, in the open highway, and deny 
me provisions for my money, is to say the town 
has a right to starve me to death, which cannot be 
true. 

Tho. But they do not deny you liberty to go 
back again from whence you came, and therefore 
they do not starve you. 

John. But the next town will, by the same rule, 
deny me leave to go back, and so they do starve 
me between them ; besides, there is no law to pro- 
hibit my travelling wherever I will on the road. 

Tho. But there will be so much difficulty in dis- 
puting with them on the road, that it is not for poor 
men to do it, or undertake it, at such a time as this 
is especially. 

John. Why, brother, our condition, at this rate, 
is worse than anybody's else ; for we can neither go 
away nor stay here. I am of the same mind with 
the lepers of Samaria, If we stay here, we are sure 
to die. I mean, especially as you and I are stated, 
without a dwelling-house of our own, and without 
lodging in anybody's else ; there is no lying in the 
street at such a time as this, we had as good go 
into the dead-cart at once. Therefore, I say, if we 
stay here we are sure to die, and if we go away we 
can but die ; I am resolved to be gone. 

Tho. You will go away. Whither will you go ? 
and what can you do ? I would as willingly go away 
as you, if I knew whither ; but we have no ac- 
quaintance, no friends. Here we were born, and 
here we must die. 



122 THE HISTORY OF 

John. Look you, Tom, the whole kingdom is my 
native country as well as this town. You may as 
well say, I must not go out of my own house if it is 
on fire, as that I am not to go out of the town I was 
born in, when it is infected with the plague. I was 
born in England, and have a right to live in it if I 
can. 

Tho. But you know every vagrant person may, 
by the laws of England, be taken up, and passed 
back to their last legal settlement. 

John. But how shall they make me vagrant ; I 
desire only to travel on, upon my lawful occasions. 

Tho. What lawful occasions can we pretend to 
travel, or rather wander, upon ? They will not be 
put off with words. 

John. Is not flying to save our lives a lawful oc- 
casion ? and do they not all know that the fact is 
true ? we cannot be said to dissemble. 

Tho. But, suppose they let us pass, whither shall 
we go? 

John. Any way to save our lives ; it is time 
enough to consider that when we are gone out of 
this town. If I am once out of this dreadful place, 
I care not where I go. 

Tho. We shall be driven to great extremities. I 
know not what to think of it. 

John. Well, Tom, consider of it a little. 

This was about the beginning of July ; and 
though the plague was come forward in the west 
and north parts of the town, yet all Wapping, as I 
have observed before, and RedrifF, and Batcliff, and 
Limehouse, and Poplar, in short, Deptford and 
Greenwich, all on both sides of the river from the 
Hermitage, and from over-against it, quite down to 
Blackwall, was entirely free ; there had not one 
person died of the plague in all Stepney parish, and 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 123 

not one on the south side of \Yhitechapel-road, no, 
not in any parish ; and yet the weekly bill was that 
very week risen up to 1006. 

It was a fortnight after this before the two bro- 
thers met again, and then the case was a little 
altered, and the plague was exceedingly advanced, 
and the number greatly increased. The bill was 
up at 2785, and prodigiously increasing ; though 
still both sides of the river, as below, kept pretty 
well. Bat some began to die in Redriif, and about 
five or six in Redriff-highway, when the sail-maker 
came to his brother John, express, and in some 
fright ; for he was absolutely warned out of his 
lodging, and had only a week to provide himself. 
His brother John was in as bad a case, for he was 
quite out ; and had only begged leave of his master, 
the biscuit-baker, to lodge in an outhouse belong- 
ing to his workhouse, where he only lay upon straw, 
with some biscuit-sacks, or bread- sacks, as they 
called them, laid upon it, and some of the same 
sacks to cover him. 

Here they resolved, seeing all employment being 
at an end, and no work or wages to be had, they 
would make the best of their way to get out of the 
reach of the dreadful infection ; and being as good 
husbands as they could, would endeavour to live 
upon what they had as long as it would last, and 
then work for more, if they could get work any- 
where of any kind, let it be what it would. 

While they were considering to put this resolu- 
tion in practice in the best manner they could, the 
third man, who was acquainted very well with the 
sail-maker, came to know of the design, and got 
leave to be one of the number ; and thus they pre- 
pared to set out. 

It happened that they had not an equal share of 



124 THE HISTORY OF 

money ; but as the sail-maker, who had the best 
stock, was, besides his being lame, the most unfit 
to expect anything by working in the country, so 
he Avas content that what money they had should 
all go into one public stock, on condition that what- 
ever any one of them could gain more than another, 
it should, without any grudging, be all added to the 
public stock. 

They resolved to load themselves with as little 
baggage as possible, because they resolved at first 
to travel on foot, and to go a great way, that they 
might, if possible, be effectually safe. And a great 
many consultations they had with themselves be- 
fore they could agree about what way they should 
travel ; which they were so far from adjusting, that 
even to the morning they set out, they were not 
resolved on it. 

At last, the seaman put in a hint that determined 
it. First, says he, the weather is very hot, and, 
therefore, I am for travelling north, that we may 
not have the sun in our faces and beating on our 
breasts, which will heat and suffocate us ; and I 
have been told, says he, that it is not good to over- 
heat our blood at a time when, for aught we know, 
the infection may be in the very air. In the next 
place, says he, I am for going the way that may be 
contrary to the wind as it may blow when we set 
out, that we may not have the wind blow the air of 
the city on our backs as we go. These two cautions 
were approved of, if it could be brought so to hit 
that the wind might not be in the south when they 
set out to go north. 

John, the baker, who had been a soldier, then 
put in his opinion. First, says he, we none of us 
expect to get any lodging on the road, and it will 
be a little too hard to lie just in the open air ; 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 125 

though it be warm weather, yet it may be wet and 
damp, and we have a double reason to take care of 
our healths at such a time as this ; and, therefore, 
says he, you, brother Tom, that are a sail-maker, 
might easily make us a little tent, and I will under- 
take to set it up every night, and take it down in 
the morning, and a fig for all the inns in England ; 
if we have a good tent over our heads, we shall do 
well enough. 

The joiner opposed this, and told them, let them 
leave that to him ; he would undertake to build 
them a house every night with his hatchet and 
mallet, though he had no other tools, which should 
be fully to their satisfaction, and as good as a tent. 

The soldier and the joiner disputed that point 
some time, but, at last, the soldier carried it for a 
tent; the only objection against it was, that it must 
be carried with them, and that would increase their 
baggage too much, the weather being hot. But the 
sail-maker had a piece of good hap fell in, which 
made that easy ; for his master who he worked for, 
having a rope-walk as well as sail-making trade, 
bad a little poor horse that he made no use of then, 
and being willing to assist the three honest men, 
he gave them the horse for the carrying their bag- 
gage ; also, for a small matter of three days' work 
that his man did for him before he went, he let him 
have an old top-gallant sail that was worn out, but 
was sufficient, and more than enough, to make a 
very good tent. The soldier showed how to shape 
it, and they soon, by his direction, made their tent, 
and fitted it with poles or staves for the purpose, 
and thus they were furnished for their journey ; 
viz. three men, one tent, one horse, one gun for 
the soldier, who would not go without arms, for 
now he said he was no more a biscuit-baker but a 
trooper. The joiner had a small bag of tools, such 



126 THE HISTORY OF 

as might be useful, if he should get any work 
abroad, as well for their subsistence as his own. 
What money they had, they brought all into one 
public stock ; and thus they began their journey. 
It seems that in the morning when they set out, the 
wind blew, as the sailor said, by his pocket-compass, 
at N. W. by W. ; so they directed, or rather re- 
solved to direct, their course N. W. 

But then a difficulty came in their way, that as 
they set out from the hither end of Wapping, near 
the Hermitage, and that the plague was now very 
violent, especially on the north side of the city, as 
in Shoreditch and Cripplegate parish, they did not 
think it safe for them to go near those parts ; so 
they went away east through RatclifF-highway, and 
leaving Stepney church still on their left hand, 
being afraid to come up from Ratcliff-cross to Mile- 
end, because they must come just by the church- 
yard ; and because the wind, that seemed to blow 
more from the west, blowed directly from the side 
of the city where the plague was hottest. So, I 
say, leaving Stepney, they fetched a long compass, 
and going to Poplar and Bromley, came into the« 
great road just at Bow. 

Here the watch on Bow-bridge would have ques- 
tioned them ; but they, crossing the road into a 
narrow way that turns out of the hither end of the 
town of Bow to Oldford, avoided any inquiry there, 
and travelled to Oldford. The constables, every- 
where on their guard, not so much it seems to stop 
people passing by, as to stop them from taking up 
their abode in their towns ; and, withal, because of 
a report that was newly raised at that time, and 
that indeed was not very improbable, viz., that the 
poor people in London, being in distress, and starved 
for want of work, and, by that means, for want of 
bread, were up in arms, and had raised a tumult, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 127 

and that they would come out to all the towns round 
to plunder for bread. 

Here they were only examined, and as they 
seemed rather coming from the country than from 
the city, they found the people the easier with 
them ; that they talked to them, let them come into 
a public house, v/here the constable and his warders 
were, and gave them drink and some victuals, 
which greatly refreshed and encouraged them ; and 
here it came into their heads to say, when they 
should be inquired of afterwards, not that they 
came from London, but that they came out of 
Essex. 

To forward this little fraud, they obtained so much 
favour of the constable at Oldford, as to give them 
a certificate of their passing from Essex through 
that village, and that they had not been at London ; 
which, though false in the common acceptation of 
London in the country, yet was literally true ; Wap- 
ping or Ratcliff being no part either of the city or 
liberty. 

This certificate, directed to the next constable, 
that was at Homerton, one of the hamlets of the 
parish of Hackney, was so serviceable to them, that 
it procured them not a free passage there only, but 
a full certificate of health from a justice of the 
peace; who, upon the constable's application, granted 
it without much difficulty. And thus they passed 
through the town of Hackney, (for it lay then in se- 
veral separated hamlets,) and travelled on till they 
came into the great north road on the top of Stam- 
ford hill. 

By this time they began to weary ; and so, in the 
back road from Hackney, a little before it opened 
into the said great road, they resolved to set up their 
tent and encamp for the night ; which they did ac- 
cordingly, with this addition, that finding a barn, or 



128 THE HISTORY OF 

a building like a barn, and first searching as well as 
they could to be sure there was nobody in it, they 
set up their tent with the head of it against the 
barn ; this they did also because the wind blew 
that night very high, and they were but young at 
such a way of lodging, as well as at the managing 
their tent. 

Here they went to sleep ; but the joiner, a grave 
and sober man, and not pleased with their lying at 
this loose rate the first night, could not sleep, and 
resolved, after trying it to no purpose, that he 
would get out, and taking the gun in his hand, 
stand sentinel, and guard his companions. So, 
with the gun in his hand, he walked to and again 
before the barn, for that stood in the field near the 
road, but within the hedge. He had not been long 
upon the scout but he heard a noise of people 
coming on as if it had been a great number, and 
they came on, as he thought, directly towards the 
barn. He did not presently awake his companions, 
but in a few minutes more their noise growing 
louder and louder, the biscuit-baker called to him 
and asked him what was the matter, and quickly, 
started out too. The other being the lame sail- 
maker, and the most weary, lay still in the tent. 

As they expected, so the people whom they had 
heard, came on directly to the barn ; when one of 
our travellers challenged, like soldiers upon the 
guard, with. Who comes there ? The people did not 
answer immediately, but one of them speaking to 
another that was behind him, Alas ! alas ! we are 
all disappointed, says he, here are some people 
before us ; the barn is taken up. 

They all stopped upon that, as under some sur- 
prise ; and, it seems, there were thirteen of them 
in all, and some women among them. They con- 
sulted together what they should do ; and by their 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 129 

discourse, our travellers soon found they were poor 
distressed people too, like themselves, seeking shel- 
ter and safety ; and besides, our travellers had no 
need to be afraid of their coming up to disturb 
them, for as soon as they heard the words. Who 
comes there ? they could hear the women say, as if 
frighted, Do not go near them ; how do you know 
but they may have the plague ? And when one of 
the men said. Let us but speak to them, the women 
said, No, do not by any means ; we have escaped 
thus far, by the goodness of God ; do not let us run 
into danger now, we beseech you. 

Our travellers found by this, that they were a 
good sort of sober people, and flying for their lives 
as they were ; and as they were encouraged by it, 
so John said to the joiner, his comrade, Let us en- 
courage them too as much as we can. So he called 
to them. Hark ye, good people, says the joiner, we 
find by your talk that you are flying from the same 
dreadful enemy as we are ; do not be afraid of us, 
we are only three poor men of us ; if you are free 
from the distemper you shall not be hurt by us ; 
we are not in the barn, but in a little tent here in 
the outside, and we will remove for you ; we can 
set up our tent immediately anywhere else. And 
upon this a parley began between the joiner, whose 
name was Richard, and one of their men, whose 
name was Ford. 

Ford. And do you assure us that you are all 
sound men ? 

Rich. Nay, we are concerned to tell you of it, 
that you may not be uneasy, or think yourselves in 
danger ; but you see we do not desire you should 
put yourselves into any danger, and, therefore, I 
tell you, that we have not made use of the barn, so 
we will remove from it that you may be safe and we 
also. 

PLAGUE. K 



130 THE HISTORY OF 

Ford. That is very kind and charitable. But if 
we have reason to be satisfied that you are sound 
and free from the visitation, why should we make 
you remove now you are settled in your lodging, 
and it may be are laid down to rest ? we will go 
into the barn, if you please, to rest ourselves a 
while, and we need not disturb you. 

Rich. Well, but you are more than we are ; I 
hope you will assure us that you are all of you sound 
too, for the danger is as great from you to us, as 
from us to you. 

Ford. Blessed be God that some do escape, 
though it be but few ; what may be our portion 
still, we know not, but hitherto we are preserved. 

Rich. What part of the town do you come from ? 
Was the plague come to the places where you 
lived ? 

Ford. Ay, ay, in a most frightful and terrible 
manner, or else we had not fled away as we do ; 
but we believe there will be very few left alive be- 
hind us. 

Rich. What part do you come from ? 

Ford. We are most of us from Cripplegate 
parish, only two or three of Clerkenwell parish, but 
on the hither side. 

Rich. How then was it that you came away no 
sooner ? 

Ford. We have been away some time, and kept 
together as well as we could at the hither end of 
Islington, where we got leave to lie in an old unin- 
habited house, and had some bedding and conve- 
niences of our own that we brought with us ; but 
the plague is come up into Islington too, and a 
house next door to our poor dwelling was infected 
and shut up, and we are come away in a fright. 

Rich. And what way are you going ? 

Ford. As our lot shall cast us, we know not 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 131 

whither ; but God will guide those that look up to 
him. 

They parleyed no farther at that time, but came 
all up to the barn, and with some difficulty got 
into it. There was nothing but hay in the barn, 
but it was almost full of that, and they accom- 
modated themselves as well as they could, and went 
to rest ; but our travellers observed, that before 
they went to sleep, an ancient man, who it seems 
was the father of one of the women, went to prayer 
with all the company, recomm.ending themselves 
to the blessing and protection of providence before 
they went to sleep. 

It was soon day at that time of the year ; and as 
Richard, the joiner, had kept guard the first part 
of the night, so John, the soldier, relieved him, 
and he had the post in the morning, and they be- 
gan to be acquainted with one another. It seems, 
when they left Islington, they intended to have 
gone north away to Highgate, but were stopped at 
Holloway, and there they would not let them pass ; 
so they crossed over the fields and hills to the east- 
ward, and came out at the Boarded-river, and so 
avoiding the towns, they left Hornsey on the left 
hand, and Newington on the right hand, and came 
into the great road about Stamford-hill on that 
side, as the three travellers had done on the other 
side. And now they had thoughts of going over 
the river in the marshes, and making forward to 
Epping forest, where they hoped they should get 
leave to rest. It seems they were not poor, at least 
not so poor as to be in want ; at least they had 
enough to subsist them moderately for two or three 
months, when, as they said, they were in hopes the 
cold weather would check the infection, or at least 
the violence of it wotdd have spent itself; and 

k2 



132 THE HISTORY OF 

would abate, if it were only for want of people left 
alive to be infected. 

This was much the fate of our three travellers ; 
only that they seemed to be the better furnished 
for travelling, and had it in their view to go further 
off; for as to the first, they did not propose to go 
further than one day's journey, that so they might 
have intelligence every two or three days how things 
were at London. 

But here our travellers found themselves under 
an unexpected inconvenience, namely, that of their 
horse ; for, by means of the horse to carry their 
baggage, they were obliged to keep in the road, 
whereas, the people of this other band went over 
the fields or roads, path or no path, way or no way, 
as they pleased ; neither had they any occasion to 
pass through any town, or come near any town, 
other than to buy such things as they wanted for 
their necessary subsistence, and in that indeed 
they were put to much difficulty ; of which in its 
place. 

But our three travellers were obliged to keep the 
road, or else they must commit spoil, and do the 
country a great deal of damage, in breaking down 
fences and gates, to go over inclosed fields, which 
they were loath to do if they could help it. 

Our three travellers, however, had a great mind 
to join themselves to this company, and take their 
lot with them ; and, after some discourse, they laid 
aside their first design, which looked northward, 
and resolved to follow the other into Essex ; so in 
the morning they took up their tent and loaded 
their horse, and away they travelled all together. 

They had some difficulty in passing the ferry at 
the river-side, the ferryman being afraid of them ; 
but, after some parley at a distance, the ferryman 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDOX. 133 

was content to bring his boat to a place distant 
from the usual ferry, and leave it there for them 
to take it ; so, putting themselves over, he directed 
them to leave the boat, and, having another boat, 
said he would |fetch it again ; which it seems, how- 
ever, he did not do for above eight days. 

Here, giving the ferryman money beforehand, 
they had a supply of victuals and drink, which he 
brought and left in the boat for them, but not with- 
out, as I said, having received the money before- 
hand. But now our travellers were at a great loss 
and difficulty how to get the horse over, the boat 
being small and not fit for it ; and at last could not 
do it without unloading the baggage and making 
him swim over. 

From the river they travelled towards the forest; 
but when they came to Walthamstow, the people 
of that town denied to admit them, as was the case 
everywhere ; the constables and their watchmen 
kept them off at a distance, and parleyed with them. 
They gave the same account of themselves as before, 
but these gave no credit to what they said, giving 
it for a reason, that two or three companies had 
already come that way and made the like pretences, 
but that they had given several people the distemper 
in the towns where they had passed, and had been 
afterwards so hardly used by the country, though 
with justice too, as they had deserved, that, about 
Brentwood or that way, several of them perished in 
the fields ; whether of the plague, or of mere want 
and distress, they could not tell. 

This was a good reason, indeed, why the people 
of Walthamstow should be very cautious, and why 
they should resolve not to entertain anybody that 
they were not well satisfied of; but, as Richard, 
the joiner, and one of the other men, who parleyed 
with them, told them, it was no reason why they 



134 THE HISTORY OF 

should block up the roads, and refuse to let the 
people pass through the town, and who asked 
nothing of them, but to go through the street ; that, 
if their people were afraid of them, they might go 
into their houses and shut their doors ; they would 
neither show them civility nor incivility, but go on 
about their business. 

The constables and attendants, not to be per- 
suaded by reason, continued obstinate, and would 
hearken to nothing, so the two men that talked 
with them went back to their fellows, to consult 
what was to be done. It was very discouraging in 
the whole, and they knew not what to do for a good 
while ; but, at last, John, the soldier and biscuit- 
baker, considering awhile. Come, says he, leave 
the rest of the parley to me. He had not appeared 
yet ; so he sets the joiner Richard to work to cut 
some poles out of the trees, and shape them as like 
guns as he could, and, in a little time, he had five 
or six fair muskets, which at a distance would not 
be known ; and about the part where the lock of a 
gun is, he caused them to wrap cloth and rags, 
such as they had, as soldiers do in wet weather to 
preserve the locks of their pieces from rust ; the rest 
was discoloured with clay or mud, such as they 
could get ; and all this while the rest of them sat 
under the trees by his direction, in two or three 
bodies, where they made fires at a good distance 
from one another. 

While this was doing, he advanced himself, and 
two or three with him, and set up their tent in the 
lane, within sight of the barrier which the towns- 
men had made, and set a sentinel just by it with 
the real gun, the only one they had, and who walked 
to and fro with the gun on his shoulder, so as that 
the people of the town might see them ; also he tied 
the horse to a gate in the hedge just by, and got 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 135 

some dry sticks together, and kindled a fire on the 
other side of the tent, so that the people of the town 
could see the fire and the smoke, but could not see 
what they were doing at it. 

After the country people had looked upon them 
very earnestly a great while, and by all that they 
could see, could not but suppose that they were a 
great many in company, they began to be uneasy, 
not for their going away, but for staying where 
they were : and above all, perceiving they had 
horses and arms, for they had seen one horse and 
one gun at the tent, and they had seen others of 
them walk about the field on the inside of the hedge 
by the side of the lane with their muskets, as they 
took them to be, shouldered ; I say, upon such a 
sight as this, you may be assured they were alarmed 
and terribly frightened ; and it seems they went 
to a justice of the peace, to know what they should 
do. What the justice advised them to I know not, 
but towards the evening, they called from the bar- 
rier, as above, to the sentinel at the tent. 

What do you want ? says John. 

Why, what do you intend to do ? says the con- 
stable. 

To do, says John, What would you have us to 
do? 

Const. Why don't you be gone ? What do you 
stay there for ? 

John. Why do you stop us on the king's high- 
way, and pretend to refuse us leave to go on our 
way? 

Co7ist. We are not bound to tell you the reason, 
though we did let you know it was because of the 
plague. 

John. We told you we were all sound and free 
from the plague, which we were not bound to have 



136 THE HISTORY OP 

satisfied you of; and yet you pretend to stop us on 
the highway. 

Co7ist. We have a right to stop it up, and our own 
safety obliges us to it ; besides, this is not the king's 
highway, it is a way upon sufferance. You see here 
is a gate, and, if we do let people pass here, we 
make them pay toll. 

John. We have a right to seek our own safety as 
well as you, and you may see are flying for our 
lives, and it is very unchristian and unjust in you 
to stop us. 

Const. You may go back from whence you came ; 
we do not hinder you from that. 

John. No, it is a stronger enemy than you that 
keeps us from doing that, or else we should not have 
come hither. 

Const. Well, you may go any other way then. 

John. No, no ; I suppose you see we are able to 
send you going and all the people of your parish, 
and come through your town when we will, but, 
since you have stopt us here, we are content ; you 
see we have encamped here, and here we will live ; 
we hope you will furnish us with victuals. 

Co7ist. We furnish you ! W^hat mean you by that ? 

John. Why, you would not have us starve, would 
you? If you stop us here, you must keep us. 

Const. You will be ill kept at our maintenance. 

John. If you stint us, we shall make ourselves the 
better allowance. 

Const. Why, you will not pretend to quarter 
upon us by force, will you ? 

John. We have offered no violence to you yet, 
why do you seem to oblige us to it ? I am an old 
soldier, and cannot starve ; and if you think that 
we shall be obliged to go back for want of provi- 
sions, you are mistaken. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 137 

Const. Since you threaten us, we shall take care 
to be strong enough for you. I have orders to raise 
the county upon you. 

John. It is you that threaten, not we ; and, since 
you are for mischief, you cannot blame us if we do 
not give you time for it. We shall begin our march 
in a few minutes. 

Const. What is it you demand of us ? 

John. At first we desired nothing of you but leave 
to go through the town. We should have offered 
no injury to any of you, neither would you have 
had any injury or loss by us ; we are not thieves, 
but poor people in distress, and flying from the 
dreadful plague in London, which devours thousands 
every week. We wonder how you could be so un- 
merciful ! 

Const. Self-preservation obliges us. 

John. What ! To shut up your compassion in a 
case of such distress as this ? 

Const. Well, if you will pass over the fields on 
your left hand, and behind that part of the town, I 
will endeavour to have gates opened for you. 

John. Our horsemen cannot pass with our bag- 
gage that way ; it does not lead into the road that 
we want to go, and why should you force us out of 
the road ? Besides, you have kept us here all day 
without any provisions but such as we brought with 
us ; I think you ought to send us some provisions 
for our relief 

Const. If you will go another way, we will send 
you some provisions. 

John. That is the way to have all the towns in 
the county stop up the ways against us. 

Const. If they all fjirnish you with food, what will 
you be the worse ? I see you have tents, you want 
no lodging. 



138 THE HISTORY OP 

John. Well ; what quantity of provisions will you 
send us ? 

Const. How many are you ? 

John. Nay, we do not ask enough for all our 
company ; we are in three companies. If you will 
send us bread for twenty men and about six or 
seven women for three days, and show us the way 
over the field you speak of, we desire not to put 
your people into any fear for us ; we will go out of 
our way to oblige you, though we are as free from 
infection as you are. 

Const. And will you assure us that your other 
people shall offer us no new disturbance ? 

John. No, no ; you may depend on it. 

Const. You must oblige yourself too, that none 
of your people shall come a step nearer than where 
the provisions we send you shall be set down. 

John. I answer for it we will not. 

Accordingly, they sent to the place twenty loaves 
of bread and three or four large pieces of good beef, 
and opened some gates, through which they passed, 
but none of them had courage so much as to look 
out to see them go ; and, as it was evening, if they 
had looked, they could not have seen them so as to 
know how few they were. 

This was John the soldier's management ; but 
this gave such an alarm to the county, that, had 
they really been two or three hundred, the whole 
county would have been raised upon them, and they 
would have been sent to prison, or perhaps knocked 
on the head. 

They were soon made sensible of this ; for two 
days afterwards they found several parties of horse- 
men and footmen also about, in pursuit of three 
companies of men armed, as they said, with mus- 
kets, who were broke out from London and had the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 139 

plague upon them ; and that were not only spreading 
the distemper among the people, but plundering the 
country. 

As they saw now the consequence of their case, 
they soon saw the danger they were in ; so they re- 
solved, by the advice also of the old soldier, to divide 
themselves again. John and his two comrades with 
the horse went away as if towards Waltham ; the 
other in two companies, but all a little asunder, and 
went towards Epping. 

The first night they encamped all in the forest, 
and not far off from one another, but not setting up 
the tent for fear that should discover them. On 
the other hand, Richard went to work with his 
axe and his hatchet, and cutting down branches of 
trees, he built three tents or hovels, in which they 
all encamped with as much convenience as they 
could expect. 

The provisions they had at Walthamstow served 
them very plentifully this night, and as for the 
next, they left it to providence. They had fared so 
well with the old soldier's conduct, that they now 
willingly made him their leader, and the first of his 
conduct appeared to be very good. He told them, 
that they were now at a proper distance enough 
from London; that, as they need not be immediately 
beholden to the country for relief, they ought to 
be as careful the country did not infect them, as that 
they did not infect the country ; that what little 
money they had, they must be as frugal of as they 
could; that as he would not have them think of 
offering the country any violence, so they must en- 
deavour to make the sense of their condition go as 
far with the country as it could. They all referred 
themselves to his direction ; so they left their three 
houses standing, and the next day went away to- 
wards Epping; the captain also, for so they now 



140 THE HISTORY OF 

called him, and his two fellow-travellers, laid aside 
their design of going to Waltham, and all went 
together. 

When they came near Epping, they halted, 
choosing out a proper place in the open forest, not 
very near the highway, but not far out of it, on the 
north side, under a little cluster of low pollard trees. 
Here they pitched their little camp, which consisted 
of three large tents or huts made of poles, which 
their carpenter, and such as were his assistants, cut 
down and fixed in the ground in a circle, binding 
all the small ends together at the top, and thickening 
the sides with boughs of trees and bushes, so that 
they were completely close and warm. They had 
besides this, a little tent where the women lay by 
themselves, and a hut to put the horse in. 

It happened, that the next day, or the next but 
one, was market-day at Epping, when captain John 
and one of the other men went to market, and 
bought some provisions ; that is to say, bread, and 
some mutton and beef, and two of the women went 
separately, as if they had not belonged to the rest, 
and bought more. John took the horse to bring it 
home, and the sack, which the carpenter carried his 
tools in, to put it in ; the carpenter went to work, 
and made them benches and stools to sit on, such 
as the wood he could get would afford, and a kind of 
a table to dine on. 

They were taken no notice of for two or three 
days, but after that abundance of people ran out of 
the town to look at them, and all the country was 
alarmed about them. The people at first seemed 
afraid to come near them ; and, on the other hand, 
they desired the people to keep off, for there was a 
rumour that the plague was at Waltham, and that 
it had been in Epping two or three days ; so John 
called out to them not to come to them, For, says 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 141 

he, we are all whole and sound people here, and we 
would not have you bring the plague among us, nor 
pretend we brought it among you. 

After this the parish officers came up to them, and 
parleyed with them at a distance, and desired to know 
who they were, and by what authority they pretend- 
ed to fix their stand at that place ? John answered 
very frankly, they were poor distressed people from 
London, who, foreseeing the misery they should be 
reduced to, if the plague spread into the city, had 
fled out in time for their lives, and, having no ac- 
quaintance or relations to fly to, had first taken up 
at Islington, but the plague being come into that 
town, were fled further ; and, as they supposed that 
the people of Epping might have refused them 
coming into their town, they had pitched their tents 
thus in the open field, and in the forest, being 
willing to bear all the hardships of such a disconso- 
late lodging, rather than have any one think, or be 
afraid, that they should receive injury by them. 

At first the Epping people talked roughly to them, 
and told them they must remove ; that this was no 
place for them; and that they pretended to be sound 
and well, but that they might be infected with the 
plague for aught they knew, and might infect the 
whole country, and they could not suiFer them there. 

John argued very calmly with them a great while, 
and told them, that London was the place by which 
they, that is, the townsmen of Epping and all the 
country round them, subsisted ; to whom they sold 
the produce of their lands, and out of whom they 
made the rents of their farms ; and to be so cruel 
to the inhabitants of London, or to any of those by 
whom they gained so much, was very hard ; and 
they would be loath to have it remembered hereafter, 
and have it told, how barbarous, how inhospitable, 
and how unkind they were to the people of London, 



142 THE HISTORY OF 

•when they fled from the face of the most terrible 
enemy in the world ; that it would be enough to 
make the name of an Epping man hateful through 
all the city, and to have the rabble stone them in 
the very streets, whenever they came so much as to 
market ; that they were not yet secure from being 
visited themselves, and that, as he heard, Waltham 
was already ; that they would think it very hard, 
that when any of them fled for fear before they were 
touched, they should be denied the liberty of lying 
so much as in the open fields. 

The Epping men told them again, that they, in- 
deed, said they were sound and free from the in- 
fection, but that they had no assurance of it ; and 
that it was reported, that there had been a great 
rabble of people at Walthamstow, who made such 
pretences of being sound as they did, but that they 
threatened to plunder the town, and force their way 
whether the parish officers would or no ; that there 
were near two hundred of them, and had arms and 
tents like Low Country soldiers ; that they extorted 
provisions from the town, by threatening them with 
living upon them at free quarter, showing their 
arms, and talking in the language of soldiers ; and 
that several of them having gone away towards 
Rumford and Brentwood, the country had been in- 
fected by them, and the plague spread into both 
those large towns, so that they durst not go to 
market there as usual ; that it was very likely they 
were some of that party ; and if so, they deserved 
to be sent to the county gaol, and be secured till 
they had made satisfaction for the damage they had 
done, and for the terror and fright they had put the 
country into. 

John answered, that what other people had done 
was nothing to them ; that they assured them they 
were all of one company ; that they had never been 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 143 

more in number than they saw them at that time, 
(which, by the way, was very true) ; that they came 
out in two separate companies, but joined by the 
way, their cases being the same ; that they were 
ready to give what account of themselves anybody 
desired of them, and to give in their names and 
places of abode, that so they might be called to an 
account for any disorder that they might be guilty 
of; that the townsmen might see they were content 
to live hardly, and only desired a little room to 
breathe in on the forest where it was wholesome ; 
for where it was not, they could not stay, and would 
decamp if they found it otherwise there. 

But, said the townsmen, we have a great charge 
of poor upon our hands already, and we must take 
care not to increase it ; we suppose you can give us 
no security against your being chargeable to our 
parish and to the inhabitants, any more than you 
can of being dangerous to us as to the infection. 

Why, look you, says John, as to being chargeable 
to you, we hope we shall not ; if you will relieve us 
with provisions for our present necessity, we will be 
very thankful ; as we all lived without charity when 
we were at home, so we will oblige ourselves fully 
to repay you, if God please to bring us back to our 
own families and houses in safety, and to restore 
health to the people of London. 

As to our dying here, we assure you, if any of us 
die, we that survive will bury them, and put you to 
no expense, except it should be that we should all 
die, and then, indeed, the last man, not being able 
to bury himself, would put you to that single expense, 
which, I am persuaded, says John, he would leave 
enough behind him to pay you for the expense of 

On the other hand, says John, if you will shut up 
all bowels of compassion, and not relieve us at all, 
we shall not extort anything by violence, or steal 



144 THE HISTORY OF 

from any one ; but when that little we have is spent, 
if we perish for want, God's will be done. 

John wrought so upon the townsmen, by talking 
thus rationally and smoothly to them, that they went 
away ; and though they did not give their consent 
to their staying there, yet they did not molest them, 
and the poor people continued there three or four 
days longer without any disturbance. In this time 
they had got some remote acquaintance with a vic- 
tualling-house on the outskirts of the town, to whom 
they called, at a distance, to bring some little things 
that they wanted, and which they caused to be set 
down at some distance, and always paid for very 
honestly. 

During this time, the younger people of the town 
came frequently pretty near them, and would stand 
and look at them, and would sometimes talk with 
them at some space between ; and, particularly it 
was observed, that the first Sabbath-day the poor 
people kept retired, worshipped God together, and 
were heard to sing psalms. 

These things, and a quiet inoffensive behaviour, ' 
began to get them the good opinion of the country, 
and the people began to pity them and speak very 
well of them ; the consequence of which was, that, 
upon the occasion of a very wet rainy night, a 
certain gentleman, who lived in the neighbourhood, 
sent them a little cart with twelve trusses or bundles 
of straw, as well for them to lodge upon as to cover 
and thatch their huts, and to keep them dry. The 
minister of a parish not far off, not knowing of the 
other, sent them also two bushels of wheat and half 
a bushel of white peas. 

They were very thankful, to be sure, for this re- 
lief, and particularly the straw was a very great 
comfort to them ; for though the ingenious carpen- 
ter had made them frames to lie in, like troughs, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 145 

and filled them with leaves of trees and such things 
as they could get, and had cut all their tentcloth 
out to make coverlids, yet they lay damp and hard, 
and unwholesome till this straw came, which was to 
them like feather-beds ; and, as John said, more 
than feather-beds would have been at another time. 

This gentleman and the minister having thus be- 
gun, and given an example of charity to these wan- 
derers, others quickly followed, and they received 
every day some benevolence or other from the peo- 
ple, but chiefly from the gentlemen who dwelt in 
the country round about ; some sent them chairs, 
stools, tables, and such household things as they 
gave notice they wanted ; some sent them blankets, 
rugs, and coverlids ; some earthen ware, and some 
kitchen ware for ordering their food. 

Encouraged by this good usage, their carpenter, 
in a few days, built them a large shed or house with 
rafters, and a roof in form, and an upper floor, in 
which they lodged warm, for the weather began to 
be damp and cold in the beginning of September ; 
but this house being very well thatched, and the 
sides and roof very thick, kept out the cold well 
enough ; he made also an earthen wall at one end, 
with a chimney in it ; and another of the company, 
with a vast deal of trouble and pains, made a funnel 
to the chimney to carry out the smoke. 

Here they lived comfortably, though coarsely, till 
the beginning of September, when they had the bad 
news to hear, whether true or not, that the plague, 
which was very hot at Waltham-abbey on the one 
side, and Rumford and Brentwood on the other 
side, was also come to Epping, to Woodford, and to 
most of the towns upon the forest ; and which, as 
they said, was brought down among them chiefly by 
the higglers, and such people as went to and from 
London with provisions. 

PLAGUE. L 



146 THE HISTORY OF 

If this was true, it was an evident contradiction 
to the report which was afterwards spread all over 
England, but which, as I have said, I cannot confirm 
of my own knowledge, namely, that the market- 
people, carrying provisions to the city, never got 
the infection, or carried it back into the country ; 
both which, I have been assured, has been false. 

It might be that they were preserved even be- 
yond expectation, though not to a miracle ; that 
abundance went and came and were not touched, 
and that was much encouragement for the poor 
people of London, who had been completely miser- 
able if the people that brought provisions to the 
markets had not been many times wonderfully pre- 
served, or at least were preserved, than could be 
reasonably expected. 

But these new inmates began to be disturbed 
more effectually ; for the towns about them were 
really infected, and they began to be afraid to trust 
one another so much as to go abroad for the things 
as they wanted, and this pinched them very hard, 
for now they had little or nothing but what the 
charitable gentlemen of the country supplied them 
with ; but, for their encouragement, it happened 
that other gentlemen in the country, who had not 
sent them anything before, began to hear of them 
and supply them ; and one sent them a large pig, 
that is to say, a porker; another two sheep, and 
another sent them a calf; in short, they had meat 
enough, and sometimes had cheese and milk, and 
such things. They were chiefly put to it for bread, 
for when the gentlemen sent them corn, they had 
nowhere to bake it or to grind it ; this made them 
eat the first two bushels of wheat that was sent 
them in parched corn, as the Israelites of old did, 
without grinding or making bread of it. 

At last they found means to carry their corn to a 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 147 

windmill near Woodford, where they had it ground ; 
and afterwards, the biscuit-baker made a hearth so 
hollow and dry, that he could bake biscuit-cakes 
tolerably well ; and thus they came into a condition 
to live without any assistance or supplies from the 
towns ; and it was well they did, for the country 
was soon after fully infected, and about a hundred 
and twenty were said to have died of the distemper 
in the villages near them, which was a terrible thing 
to them. 

On this they called a new council, and now the 
towns had no need to be afraid they should settle 
near them ; but, on the contrary, several families of 
the poorer sort of the inhabitants quitted their 
houses and built huts in the forest, after the same 
manner as they had done. But it was observed, 
that several of these poor people that had so re- 
moved, had the sickness even in their huts or 
booths ; the reason of which was plain, namely, not 
because they removed into the air, but because they 
did not remove time enough ; that is to say, not till 
by openly conversing with other people their 
neighbours, that had the distemper upon them, or, 
as may be said, among them, and so carried it about 
with them whither they went. Or, (2.) Because 
they were not careful enough after they were safely 
removed out of the towns, not to come again and 
mingle with the diseased people. 

But be it which of these it will, when our tra- 
vellers began to perceive that the plague was not 
only in the towns, but even in the tents and huts 
on the forest near them, they began then not only 
to be afraid, but to think of decamping and re- 
moving ; for had they stayed, they would have been 
in manifest danger of their lives. 

It is not to be wondered that they were greatly 
afflicted at being obliged to quit the place where 



148 THE HISTORY OF 

they had been so kindly received, and where they 
had been treated with so much humanity and 
charity ; but necessity, and the hazard of hfe, which 
they came out so far to preserve, prevailed with 
them, and they saw no remedy. John, however, 
thought of a remedy for their present misfortune, 
namely, that he would first acquaint that gentleman 
who was their principal benefactor, with the distress 
they were in ; and to crave his assistance and ad- 
vice. 

The good charitable gentleman encouraged them 
to quit the place, for fear they should be cut off 
from any retreat at all, by the violence of the dis- 
temper ; but whither they should go, that he found 
very hard to direct them to. At last John asked 
of him, whether he, being a justice of the peace, 
would give them certificates of health to other 
justices who they might come before, that so, what- 
ever might be their lot, they might not be repulsed 
now they had been also so long from London. This 
his worship immediately granted, and gave them 
proper letters of health ; and from thence they were 
at liberty to travel whither they pleased. 

Accordingly, they had a full certificate of health, 
intimating that they had resided in a village in the 
county of Essex, so long ; that being examined and 
scrutinized sufficiently, and having been retired 
from all conversation for above forty days, without 
any appearance of sickness, they were, therefore, 
certainly concluded to be sound men, and might be 
safely entertained anywhere ; having at last re- 
moved rather for fear of the plague, which was come 
into such a town, rather than for having any signal 
of infection upon them, or upon any belonging to 
them. 

With this certificate they removed, though with 
great reluctance ; and John, inclining not to go far 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 149 

from home, they removed toward the marshes on 
the side of Waltham. But here they found a man 
who, it seems, kept a weir or stop upon the river, 
made to raise water for the barges which go up and 
down the river, and he terrified them with dismal 
stories of the sickness having been spread into all 
the towns on the river, and near the river, on the 
side of Middlesex and Hertfordshire ; that is to say, 
into Waltham, Waltham-cross, Enfield, and Ware, 
and all the towns on the road, that they were afraid 
to go that way ; though, it seems, the man imposed 
upon them, for that the thing was not really true. 

However, it terrified them, and they resolved to 
move across the forest towards Rumford and Brent- 
wood ; but they heard that there were numbers of 
people fled out of London that way, who lay up and 
down in the forest, reaching near Rumford ; and 
who, having no subsistence or habitation, not only 
lived oddly, and suffered great extremities in the 
woods and fields for want of relief, but were said to 
be made so desperate by those extremities, as that 
they offered many violences to the country, robbed, 
and plundered, and killed cattle, and the like ; and 
others, building huts and hovels by the road-side, 
begged, and that with an importunity next door to 
demanding relief; so that the country was very un- 
easy, and had been obliged to take some of them 

This, in the first place, intimated to them, that 
they would be sure to find the charity and kindness 
of the county, which they had found here where 
they were before, hardened and shut up against 
them ; and that, on the other hand, they would be 
questioned wherever they came, and would be in 
danger of violence from others in like cases with 
themselves. 

Upon all these considerations, John, their cap- 



150 THE HISTORY OF 

tain, in ail their names, went back to their good 
friend and benefactor, who had relieved them be- 
fore, and laying their case truly before him, humbly 
asked his advice ; and he as kindly advised them to 
take up their old quarters again, or, if not, to re- 
move but a little further out of the road, and di- 
rected them to a proper place for them ; and as they 
really wanted some house, rather than huts, to 
shelter them at that time of the year, it growing on 
towards Michaelmas, they found an old decayed 
house, which had been formerly some cottage or 
little habitation, but was so out of repair as scarce 
habitable ; and by consent of a farmer, to whose 
farm it belonged, they got leave to make what use 
of it they could. 

The ingenious joiner, and all the rest by his di- 
rections, went to work with it, and in a very few 
days made it capable to shelter them all, in case of 
bad weather ; and in which there was an old 
chimney and an old oven, though both lying in 
ruins, yet they made them both fit for use; and 
raising additions, sheds and leantoes on every side, 
they soon made the house capable to hold them all. 

They chiefly wanted boards to make window- 
shutters, floors, doors, and several other things : 
but as the gentleman above favoured them, and the 
country was by that means made easy with them ; 
and, above all, that they were known to be all sound 
and in good health, everybody helped them with 
what they could spare. 

Here they encamped for good and all, and re- 
solved to remove no more ; they saw plainly how 
terribly alarmed that country was everywhere, at 
anybody that came from London ; and that they 
should have no admittance anywhere but with the 
utmost difficulty, at least no friendly reception and 
assistance as they had received here. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 151 

Now, although they received great assistance and 
encouragement from the country gentlemen, and 
from the people round about them, yet they were 
put to great straits, for the weather grew cold and 
wet in October and November, and they had not 
been used to so much hardship ; so that they got 
colds in their limbs, and distempers, but never had 
the infection. And thus, about December, they 
came home to the city again. 

I give this story at large, principally to give an 
account what became of the great numbers of peo- 
ple which appeared in the city as soon as the sick- 
ness abated ; for, as I have said, great numbers of 
those that were able, and had retreats in the 
country, fled to those retreats. So when it was 
increased to such a dreadful extremity as I have 
related, the middling people who had no friends, 
fled to all parts of the country where they could get 
shelter, as well those that had money to relieve 
themselves, as those that had not. Those that had 
money always fled furthest, because they were able 
to subsist themselves; but those who were empty, 
suffered, as I have said, great hardships, and were 
often driven by necessity to relieve their wants at 
the expense of the country. By that means the 
country was made very uneasy at them, and some- 
times took them up, though even then they scarce 
knew what to do with them, and were always very 
backward to punish them ; but often, too, they 
forced them from place to place, till they were 
obliged to come back again to London. 

I have, since knowing this story of John and his 
brother, inquired and found that there were a great 
many of the poor disconsolate people, as above, fled 
into the country every way ; and some of them got 
little sheds, and barns, and outhouses to live in, 
where they could obtain so much kindness of the 



152 THE HISTORY OF 

country; and especially where they had any the 
least satisfactory account to give of themselves, and 
particularly that they did not come out of London 
too late. But others, and that in great numbers, 
built themselves little huts and retreats in the fields 
and woods, and lived like hermits in holes and 
caves, or any place they could find ; and where, 
we may be sure, they suffered great extremities, 
such that many of them were obliged to come back 
again, whatever the danger was ; and so those little 
huts were often found empty, and the country peo- 
ple supposed the inhabitants lay dead in them of 
the plague, and would not go near them for fear, no 
not in a great while ; nor is it unlikely but that 
some of the unhappy wanderers might die so all alone, 
even sometimes for want of help, as particularly in 
one tent or hut, was found a man dead ; and on the 
gate of a field just by, was cut with his knife in un- 
even letters, the following words, by which it may 
be supposed the other man escaped, or that one 
dying first, the other had buried him as well as he 
could ; 

OmIsEr Y! 
WeBoTHShaLLDyE, 

W E, W E. 



There was one unhappy citizen, within my know- 
ledge, who had been visited in a dreadful manner, 
so that his wife and all his children were dead, and 
himself and two servants left only, with an elderly 
woman, a near relation, who had nursed those that 
were dead as well as she could. This disconsolate 
man goes to a village near the town, though not 
within the bills of mortality, and finding an empty 
house there, inquires out the owner, and took the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 153 

house. After a few days, he got a cart, and loaded 
it with goods, and carries them down to the house ; 
the people of the village opposed his driving the 
cart along, but with some arguings, and some force, 
the men that drove the cart along, got through the 
street up to the door of the house ; there the constable 
resisted them again, and would not let them be 
brought in. The man caused the goods to be un- 
loaded and laid at the door, and sent the cart away, 
upon which they carried the man before a justice of 
peace ; that is to say, they commanded him to go, 
which he did. The justice ordered him to cause 
the cart to fetch away the goods again, which he 
refused to do ; upon which the justice ordered the 
constable to pursue the carters and fetch them 
back, and make them reload the goods and carry 
them away, or to set them in the stocks till they 
came for further orders ; and if they could not find 
them, nor the man would consent to carry them 
away, they should cause them to be drawn with 
hooks from the house door and burnt in the street. 
The poor distressed man upon this fetched the 
goods again, but with grievous cries and lamenta- 
tions at the hardship of his case. But there was 
no remedy, self-preservation obliged the people to 
those severities, which they would no otherwise 
have been concerned in. Whether this poor man 
lived or died I cannot tell, but it was reported he 
had the plague upon him at that time, and perhaps 
the people might report that to justify their usage 
of him ; but it was not unlikely that either he or 
his goods, or both, were dangerous, when his whole 
family had been dead of the distemper so little a 
while before. 

A house in Whitechapel was shut up for the 
sake of one infected maid, who had only spots, not 
the tokens, come out upon her, and recovered ; 



154 THE HISTORY OF 

these people obtained no liberty to stir, neither for 
air or exercise, for forty days ; want of breath, fear, 
anger, vexation, and all the other griefs attending 
such an injurious treatment, cast the mistress of the 
family into a fever ; and visiters came into the 
house and said it was the plague, though the physi- 
cians declared it was not; however, the family 
were obliged to begin their quarantine anew, on the 
report of the visiter or examiner, though their for- 
mer quarantine wanted but a few days of being 
finished. This oppressed them so with anger and 
grief, and, as before, straitened them also so much 
as to room, and for want of breathing and free air, 
that most of the family fell sick, one of one distem- 
per, one of another, chiefly scorbutic ailments, only 
one a violent cholic, until after several prolonga- 
tions of their confinement, some or other of those 
that came in with the visiters to inspect the per- 
sons that were ill, in hopes of releasing them, 
brought the distemper along with them, and in- 
fected the whole house, and all or most of them 
died, not of the plague as really upon them before, 
but of the plague that those people brought them, 
who should have been careful to have protected 
them from it ; and this was a thing which frequently 
happened, and was, indeed, one of the worst con- 
sequences of shutting houses up. 

I had about this time a little hardship put upon 
me, which I was at first greatly afflicted at, and 
very much disturbed about ; though, as it proved, 
it did not expose me to any disaster ; and this was, 
being appointed, by the alderman of Portsoken 
ward, one of the examiners of the houses in the 
precinct where I lived ; we had a large parish, 
and had no less than eighteen examiners, as the 
order called us ; the people called us visiters. I 
endeavoured with all my might to be excused from 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 155 

such an employment, and used many arguments 
with the alderman's deputy to be excused ; par- 
ticularly, I alleged, that I was against shutting up 
of houses at all, and that it would be very hard to 
oblige me to be an instrument in that which was 
against my judgment, and which I did verily be- 
lieve would not answer the end it was intended 
for ; but all the abatement I could get was only, 
that whereas the officer was appointed by my lord 
mayor to continue two months, I should be obliged 
to hold it but for three weeks, on condition, never- 
theless, that I could then get some other sufficient 
housekeeper to serve the rest of the time for me, 
which was, in short, but a very small favour, it 
being very difficult to get any man to accept of 
such an employment, that was fit to be intrusted 
with it. 

It is true, that shutting up of houses had one 
effect, which I am sensible was of moment, namely, 
it confined the distempered people, who would 
otherwise have been very troublesome and very 
dangerous in their running about the streets with 
the distemper upon them ; which, when they were 
delirious, they would have done in a most frightful 
manner, as, indeed, they began to do at first very 
much, until they were restrained ; nay, so very 
open they were, that the poor would go about and 
beg at people's doors, and say they had the plague 
upon them, and beg rags for their sores, or both, 
or anything that delirious nature happened to think 
of. 

A poor unhappy gentlewoman, a substantial citi- 
zen's wife, was, if the story be true, murdered by 
one of these creatures in Aldersgate-street, or that 
way. He was going along the street, raving mad 
to be sure, and singing ; the people only said he 
was drunk, but he himself said he had the plague 



156 THE HISTORY OF 

upon him, which, it seems, was true ; and meeting 
this gentlewoman, he would kiss her ; she was ter- 
ribly frighted, as he was a rude fellow, and she run 
from him ; but the street being very thin of people, 
there was nobody near enough to help her. When 
she saw he would overtake her, she turned and 
gave him a thrust so forcibly, he being but weak, 
as pushed him down backward ; but very unhappily, 
she being so near, he caught hold of her, and pulled 
her down also ; and getting up first, mastered her, 
and kissed her ; and which was worst of all, when 
he had done, told her he had the plague, and why 
should she not have it as well as he? She was 
frightened enough before, being also young with 
child; but when she heard him say he had the plague, 
she screamed out and fell down into a swoon, or in 
a fit, which, though she recovered a little, yet killed 
her in a very few days, and I never heard whether 
she had the plague or no. 

Another infected person came and knocked at 
the door of a citizen's house, where they knew him 
very well ; the servant let him in, and being told 
the master of the house was above, he ran up, and 
came into the room to them as the whole family 
were at supper. They began to rise up a little sur- 
prised, not knowing what the matter was ; but he 
bid them sit still, he only came to take his leave of 

them. They asked him. Why Mr. where are 

you going ? Going, says he, I have got the sickness, 
and shall die to-morrow night. It is easy to be- 
lieve, though not to describe, the consternation 
they were all in ; the women and the man's daugh- 
ters, which were but little girls, were frightened 
almost to death, and got up, all running out, one at 
one door and one at another, some down stairs and 
some up stairs, and getting together as well as they 
could, locked themselves into their chambers, and 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 157 

screamed out at the window for help, as if they had 
been frighted out of their wits. The master, more 
composed than they, though both frighted and pro- 
voked, was going to lay hands on him and throw 
him down stairs, being in a passion ; but then con- 
sidering a little the condition of the man, and the 
danger of touching him, horror seized his mind, 
and he stood still like one astonished. The poor 
distempered man, all this while, being, as well, dis- 
eased in his brain as in his body, stood still like 
one amazed ; at length he turns round, Ay ! says 
he, with all the seeming calmness imaginable, is it 
so with you all ! Are you all disturbed at me ? 
Why then I'll e'en go home and die there. And so 
he goes immediately down stairs. The servant that 
had let him in goes down after him with a candle, 
but was afraid to go past him and open the door, so 
he stood on the stairs to see what he would do; the 
man went and opened the door, and went out and 
flung the door after him. It was some while before 
the family recovered their fright; but, as no ill 
consequence attended, they have had occasion 
since to speak of it, you may be sure, with great 
satisfaction ; though the man was gone some 
time, nay, as I heard, some days, before they re- 
covered themselves from the hurry they were in: 
nor did they go up and down the house with any 
assurance till they had burnt a great variety of 
fumes and perfumes in all the rooms, and made a 
great many smokes of pitch, of gunpowder, and of 
sulphur ; all separately shifted, and washed their 
clothes and the like. As to the poor man, whether 
he lived or died I do not remember. 

It is most certain, that if, by the shutting up of 
houses, the sick had not been confined, multitudes, 
who in the height of their fever were delirious and 
distracted, would have been continually running up 



158 THE HISTORY OF 

and down the streets ; and, even as it was, a very 
great number did so, and offered all sorts of violence 
to those they met, even just as a mad dog runs on 
and bites at every one he meets ; nor can I doubt 
but that should one of those infected diseased crea- 
tures have bitten any man or woman, while the 
frenzy of the distemper was upon them, they, T 
mean the person so wounded, would as certainly 
have been incurably infected, as one that was sick 
before, and had the tokens upon him. 

I heard of one infected creature, who running 
out of his bed in his shirt, in the anguish and agony 
of his swellings, of which he had three upon him, 
got his shoes on and went to put on his coat, but 
the nurse resisting and snatching the coat from 
him, he threw her down, run over her, run down 
stairs, and into the street directly to the Thames, 
in his shirt, the nurse running after him, and call- 
ing to the watch to stop him; but the watchman, 
frightened at the man, and afraid to touch him, let 
him go on ; upon which he ran down to the Still-yard 
stairs, threw away his shirt, and plunged into the 
Thames, and, being a good swimmer, swam quite 
over the river ; and the tide being coming in, as 
they call it, that is, running westward, he reached 
the land not till he came about the Falcon-stairs, 
where landing, and finding no people there, it being 
in the night, he ran about the streets there naked 
as he was, for a good while, when, it being by that 
time high water, he takes the river again, and swam 
back to the Still -yard, landed, ran up the streets 
again to his own house, knocking at the door, went 
up the stairs, and into bed again ; and that this 
terrible experiment cured him of the plague, that is 
to say, that the violent motion of his arms and legs 
stretched the parts where the swellings he had upon 
him were, that is to say, under his arms and in his 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 159 

groin, and caused them to ripen and break ; and that 
the cold of the water abated the fever in his blood. 

But notwithstanding such things, the murmur- 
ings were very bitter against the shutting up. 

It would pierce the hearts of all that came by to 
hear the piteous cries of those infected people, 
who, being thus out of their understandings by the 
violence of their pain, or the heat of their blood, 
were either shut in, or perhaps tied in their beds 
and chairs, to prevent their doing themselves hurt, 
and who would make a dreadful outcry at their 
being confined, and at their being not permitted to 
die at large, as they called it, and as they would 
have done before. 

This running of distempered people about the 
streets was very dismal, and the magistrates did 
their utmost to prevent it ; but, as it was generally 
in the night and always sudden, when such attempts 
were made, the officers could not be at hand to 
prevent it ; and, even when any got out in the day, 
the officers appointed did not care to meddle with 
them, because, as they were all grievously infected 
to be sure when they w^ere come to that height, so 
they were more than ordinarily infectious, and it 
was one of the most dangerous things that could be 
to touch them ; on the other hand, they generally 
ran on, not knowing what they did, till they drop- 
ped down stark dead, or till they had exhausted 
their spirits so, as that they would fall and then die 
in perhaps half an hour or an hour ; and which was 
most piteous to hear, they were sure to come to 
themselves entirely in that half hour or hour, and 
then to make most grievous and piercing cries and 
lamentations, in the deep afflicting sense of the con- 
dition they were in. This was much of it before 
the order for shutting up of houses v/as strictly pat 
into execution ; for, at first, the watchmen were not 



160 THE HISTORY OF 

SO vigorous and severe as they were afterwards in 
the keeping the people in ; that is to say, before 
they were, I mean some of them, severely punished 
for their neglect, failing in their duty, and letting 
people who were under their care slip away, or con- 
niving at their going abroad, whether sick or well. 
But, after they saw the officers appointed to ex- 
amine into their conduct were resolved to have 
them do their duty, or be punished for the omission, 
they were more exact, and the people were strictly 
restrained ; which was a thing they took so ill, and 
bore so impatiently, that their discontents can 
hardly be described ; but there was an absolute ne- 
cessity for it, that must be confessed, unless some 
other measures had been timely entered upon ; and 
it was too late for that. 

Had not this particular of the sick's being re- 
strained as above, been our case at that time, Lon- 
don would have been the most dreadful place that 
ever was in the world ; there would, for aught I 
know, have as many people died in the streets as 
died in their houses ; for, when the distemper was 
at its height, it generally made them raving and 
delirious, and when they were so, they would never 
be persuaded to keep in their beds but by force ; 
and many who were not tied, threw themselves out 
of windows, when they found they could not get 
leave to go out of their doors. 

It was for want of people conversing one with 
another in this time of calamity, that it was impos- 
sible any particular person could come at the know- 
ledge of all the extraordinary cases that occurred in 
different families ; and, particularly, I believe it 
was never known to this day how many people 
in their deliriums drowned themselves in the 
Thames, and in the river which runs from the 
marshes by Hackney, which we generally called 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 161 

Ware river, or Hackney river. As to those which 
were set down in the weekly bill, they were indeed 
few, nor could it be known of any of those, whether 
they drowned themselves by accident or not ; but 
I believe I might reckon up more, who, within the 
compass of my knowledge or observation, really 
drowned themselves in that year, than are put 
down in the bill of all put together, for many of the 
bodies were never found, who yet were known to be 
lost ; and the like in other methods of self-destruc- 
tion. There was also one man in or about White- 
cross-street burnt himself to death in his bed ; some 
said it was done by himself, others, that it was by 
the treachery of the nurse that attended him, but 
that he had the plague upon him was agreed by all. 

I got myself discharged of the dangerous office I 
was in, as soon as I could get another admitted, 
who I had obtained for a little money to accept of 
it ; and so, instead of serving the two months, 
which was directed, I was not above three weeks in 
it ; and a great while too, considering it was in the 
month of August, at which time the distemper 
began to rage with great violence at our end of the 
town. 

In the execution of this office, I could not refrain 
speaking my opinion among my neighbours, as to 
this shutting up the people in their houses ; in 
which we saw most evidently the severities that 
were used, though grievous in themselves, had also 
this particular objection against them, namely, that 
they did not answer the end, as I have said, but 
that the distempered people went, day by day, 
about the streets ; and it was our united opinion, 
that a method to have removed the sound from the 
sick, in case of a particular house being visited, 
would have been much more reasonable, on many 
accounts, leaving nobody with the sick persons, but 

PLAGUE. M 



162 THE HISTORY OF 

such as should, on such occasions, request to stay, 
and declare themselves content to be shut up with 
thera. 

Our scheme for removing those that were sound 
from those that were sick, was only in such houses 
as were infected, and confining the sick was no 
confinement ; those that could not stir would not 
complain while they were in their senses, and while 
they had the power of judging. Indeed, when they 
came to be delirious and light-headed, then they 
would cry out of the cruelty of being confined ; but, 
for the removal of those that were well, we thought 
it highly reasonable and just, for their own sakes, 
they should be removed from the sick, and that, 
for other people's safety, they should keep retired 
for awhile, to see that they were sound, and might 
not infect others ; and we thought twenty or thirty 
days enough for this. 

Now, certainly, if houses had been provided on 
purpose for those that were sound, to perform this 
demi-quarantine in, they would have much less 
reason to think themselves injured in such a re- 
straint, than in being confined with infected people 
in the houses where they lived. 

It is here, however, to be observed, that after the 
funerals became so many that people could not toll 
the bell, mourn, or weep, or wear black for one 
another, as they did before ; no, nor so much as 
make coffins for those that died ; so, after a while, 
the fury of the infection appeared to be so increased, 
that, in short, they shut up no houses at all ; it 
seemed enough that all the remedies of that kind 
had been used till they were found fruitless, and 
that the plague spread itself with an irresistible 
fury, so that as the fire the succeeding year spread 
itself and burnt with such violence, that the citi- 
zens, in despair, gave over their endeavours to ex- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 163 

tinguish it, so in the plague, it came at last to such 
violence, that the people sat still looking at one 
another, and seemed quite abandoned to despair. 
Whole streets seemed to be desolated, and not to 
be shut up only, but to be emptied of their inhabit- 
ants ; doors were left open, windows stood shatter- 
ing with the wind in empty houses, for want of peo- 
ple to shut them ; in a word, people began to give 
up themselves to their fears, and so think that all 
regulations and methods were in vain, and that 
there was nothing to be hoped for but an universal 
desolation ; and it was even in the height of this 
general despair, that it pleased God to stay his 
hand, and to slacken the fury of the contagion, in 
.such a manner as was even surprising, like its be- 
ginning, and demonstrated it to be his own parti- 
cular hand ; and that above, if not without, the 
agency of means, as I shall take notice of in its pro- 
per place. 

But I must still speak of the plague, as in its 
height, raging even to desolation, and the people 
under the most dreadful consternation, even, as I 
have said, to despair. It is hardly credible to what 
excesses the passions of men carried them in this 
extremity of the distemper ; and this part, I think, 
was as moving as the rest. What could affect a 
man in his full power of reflection, and what could 
make deeper impressions on the soul, than to see a 
man, almost naked, and got out of his house, or 
perhaps out of his bed into the street, come out of 
Harrow-alley, a populous conjunction or collection 
of alleys, courts, and passages, in the Butcher-row in 
Whitechapel ; I say, what could be more affecting, 
than to see this poor man come out into the open 
street, run dancing and singing, and making a 
thousand antic gestures, with five or six women 
and children running after him, crving and calling 

■' m2 



164 THE HISTORY OF 

upon him, for the Lord's sake, to come back, and 
entreating the help of others to bring him back, 
but all in vain, nobody daring to lay a hand upon 
him, or to come near him. 

This was a most grievous and afflicting thing to 
me, who saw it all from my own windows ; for all 
this while the poor afflicted man was, as I observed 
it, even then in the utmost agony of pain, having, 
as they said, two swellings upon him, which could 
not be brought to break or to suppurate ; but by 
laying strong caustics on them, the surgeons had, 
it seems, hopes to break them, which caustics were 
then upon him, burning his flesh as with a hot iron. 
I cannot say what became of this poor man, but I 
think he continued roving about in that manner till 
he fell down and died. 

No wonder the aspect of the city itself was fright- 
ful! the usual concourse of people in the streets, 
and which used to be supplied from our end of the 
town, was abated ; the Exchange was not kept shut 
indeed, but it was no more frequented ; the fires 
were lost ; they had been almost extinguished for 
some days, by a very smart and hasty rain ; but 
this was not all, some of the physicians insisted, 
that they were not only no benefit, but injurious to 
the health of the people. This they made a loud 
clamour about, and complained to the lord mayor 
about it. On the other hand, others of the same 
faculty, and eminent too, opposed them, and gave 
their reasons why the fires were, and must be, 
useful, to assuage the violence of the distemper. I 
cannot give a full account of their arguments on 
both sides ; only this I remember, that they cavilled 
very much with one another. Some were for fires, 
but that they must be made of wood, and not coal, 
and of particular sorts of wood too, such as fir in 
particular, or cedar, because of the strong effluvia 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 165 

of turpentine ; others were for coal and not wood, 
because of the sulphur and bitumen ; and others 
were neither for one or other. Upon the whole, 
the lord mayor ordered no more fires ; and espe- 
cially on this account, namely, that the plague was 
so fierce, that they saw evidently it defied all 
means, and rather seemed to increase than de- 
crease, upon any application to check and abate it ; 
and yet this amazement of the magistrates pro- 
ceeded rather from want of being able to apply any 
means successfully, than from any unwillingness, 
either to expose themselves, or undertake the care 
and weight of business, for, to do them justice, 
they neither spared their pains nor their persons ; 
but nothing answered, the infection raged, and the 
people were now frighted and terrified to the last 
degree; so that, as I may say, they gave them- 
selves up, and as I mentioned above, abandoned 
themselves to their despair. 

But let me observe here, that, when I say the 
people abandoned themselves to despair, I do not 
mean to what men call a religious despair, or a 
despair of their eternal state ; but I mean a despair 
of their being able to escape the infection, or to 
outlive the plague, which they saw was so raging 
and so irresistible in its force, that indeed few peo- 
ple that were touched with it in its height, about 
August and September, escaped ; and, which is 
very particular, contrary to its ordinary operation 
in June and July, and the beginning of August, 
when, as I have observed, many were infected, and 
continued so many days, and then went off, after 
having had the poison in their blood a long time; 
but now, on the contrary, most of the people 
who were taken during the two last weeks in 
August, and in the three first weeks in September, 
generally died in two or three days at furthest, and 



166 THE HISTORY OF 

many the very same day they were taken. Whe- 
ther the dog-days, or, as our astrologers pretended 
to express themselves, the influence of the dog-star 
had that malignant effect, or all those who had the 
seeds of infection before in them, brought it up to 
a maturity at that time altogether, I know not ; but 
this was the time when it was reported, that above 
three thousand people died in one night ; and they 
that would have us believe they more critically ob- 
served it, pretend to say, that they all died within 
the space of two hours ; viz. between the hours of 
one and three in the morning. 

As to the suddenness of people's dying at this 
time, more than before, there were innumerable in- 
stances of it, and I could name several in my neigh- 
bourhood ; one family without the bars, and not far 
from me, were all seemingly well on the Monday, 
being ten in family ; that evening, one maid and one 
apprentice were taken ill, and died the next morning, 
when the other apprentice and two children were 
touched, whereof one died the same evening, and 
the other two on Wednesday; in a word, by Saturday 
at noon, the master, mistress, four children, and 
four servants, were all gone, and the house left 
entirely empty, except an ancient woman, who came 
in to take charge of the goods for the master of the 
family's brother, who lived not far off, and who had 
not been sick. 

Many houses were then left desolate, all the 
people being carried away dead, and especially in 
an alley further on the same side beyond the bars, 
going in at the sign of Moses and Aaron. There 
were several houses together, which they said had 
not one person left alive in them ; and some that 
died last in several of those houses, were left a little 
too long before they were fetched out to be buried ; 
the reason of which was not, as some have written. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 167 

very untruly, that the living were not sufficient to 
bury the dead, but that the mortality was so great 
in the yard or alley, that there was nobody left to 
give notice to the buriers or sextons that there were 
any dead bodies there to be buried. It Wja&saijd, 
how true I know not, that some of those bodies were 
so corrupted and so rotten, that it was with difficulty 
they were carried ; and, as the carts could not come 
any nearer than to the alley gate in the High-street, 
it was so much the more difficult to bring them along; 
but I am not certain how many bodies were then 
left. I am sure that ordinarily it was not so. 

I must acknowledge that this time was so terrible 
that I was sometimes at the end of all my resolutions, 
and that I had not the courage that I had at the 
beginning. As the extremity brought other people 
abroad, it drove me home, and, except having made 
my voyage down to Blackwall and Greenwich, as I 
have related, which was an excursion, I kept after- 
wards very much within doors, as I had for about 
a fortnight before. I have said already, that I re- 
pented several times that I had ventured to stay in 
town, and had not gone away with my brother and his 
family, but it was too late now ; and after I had re- 
treated and stayed within doors a good while before 
my impatience led me abroad, then they called me, 
as I have said, to an ugly and dangerous office, 
which brought me out again ; but as that was 
expired, while the height of the distemper lasted, I 
retired again, and continued close ten or twelve 
days more, during which many dismal spectacles 
represented themselves to my view, out of my own 
windows, and in our own street, as that particularly 
from Harrow-alley, of the poor outrageous creature 
who danced and sung in his agony; and many others 
there were. Scarce a day or a night passed over 
but some dismal thing or other happened at the end 



16'8 THE HISTOEY OF 

of that Harrow-alley, which was a place full of poor 
people, most of them belonging to the butchers, or 
to employments depending upon the butchery. 

Sometimes heaps and throngs of people would 
burst out of the alley, most of them women, 
making a dreadful clamour, mixed or compounded 
of screeches, cryings, and calling one another, that 
we could not conceive what to make of it ; almost 
all the dead part of the night the dead cart stood at 
the end of that alley, for if it went in, it could not 
well turn again, and could go in but a little way. 
There, I say, it stood to receive dead bodies ; and, 
as the church was but a little way off, if it went away 
full it would soon be back again. It is impossible 
to describe the most horrible cries and noise the 
poor people would make at their bringing the dead 
bodies of their children and friends out to the cart; 
and, by the number, one would have thought there 
had been none left behind, or that there were people 
enough for a small city living in those places. 
Several times they cried murder, sometimes fire ; 
but it was easy to perceive that it was all distraction, 
and the complaints of distressed and distempered 
people. 

I believe it was everywhere thus at that time, for 
the plague raged for six or seven weeks beyond all 
that I have expressed, and came even to such a 
height, that, in the extremity, they began to break 
into that excellent order, of which I have spoken so 
much in behalf of the magistrates, namely, that no 
dead bodies were seen in the streets, or burials in 
the daytime ; for there was a necessity, in this ex- 
tremity, to bear with its being otherwise for a little 
while. 

One thing I cannot omit here, and, indeed, I 
thought it was extraordinary, at least it seemed a 
remarkable hand of divine justice ; viz. that all the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 169 

predictors, astrologers, fortune-tellers, and what 
they called cunning men, conjurors, and the like ; 
calculators of nativities, and dreamers of dreams, 
and such people, were gone and vanished, not one 
of them was to be found. I am verily persuaded, 
that a great number of them fell in the heat of the 
calamity, having ventured to stay upon the prospect 
of getting great estates ; and, indeed, their gain was 
but too great for a time, through the madness and 
folly of the people ; but now they were silent, many 
of them went to their long home, not able to foretell 
their own fate, or to calculate their own nativities. 
Some have been critical enough to say, that every 
one of them died. I dare not affirm that ; but this 
I must own, that I never heard of one of them that 
ever appeared after the calamity was over. 

But to return to my particular observations, 
during this dreadful part of the visitation. I am 
now come, as I have said, to. the month of Septem- 
ber, which was the most dreadful of its kind, I be- 
lieve, that ever London saw; for, by all the accounts 
which I have seen of the preceding visitations which 
have been in London, nothing has been like it; the 
number in the weekly bill amounting to almost 
forty thousand, from the 22nd of August to the 26th 
of September, being but tive weeks. The particu- 
lars of the bills are as follows ; viz. 

From August the 22nd to the 29th 7,496 

To the 5th of September 8,252 

To the 12th 7,690 

To the 19th 8,297 

To the 26th 6,460 



38,195 

This was a prodigious number of itself; but if I 

should add the reasons which I have to believe, that 



170 THE HISTORY OF 

this account was deficient, and how deficient it was, 
you would with me make no scruple to believe, that 
there died above ten thousand a week for all those 
weeks, one week with another, and a proportion for 
several weeks, both before and after. The confusion 
among the people, especially within the city, at that 
time, was inexpressible ; the terror was so great at 
last, that the courage of the people appointed to 
carry away the dead began to fail them ; nay, seve- 
ral of them died, although they had the distemper 
before, and were recovered; and some of them 
dropped down when they have been carrying the 
bodies even at the pitside, and just ready to throw 
them in ; and this confusion was greater in the city, 
because they had flattered themselves with hopes of 
escaping, and thought the bitterness of death was 
past. One cart they told us, going up Shoreditch, 
was forsaken by the drivers, or being left to one 
man to drive, he died in the street, and the horses 
going on, overthrew the cart, and left the bodies, 
some thrown here, some there, in a dismal manner. 
Another cart was, it seems, found in the great pit in 
Finsbury-fields ; the driver being dead, or having 
been gone and abandoned it, and the horses run- 
ning too near it, the cart fell in and drew the horses 
in also. It was suggested that the driver was thrown 
in with it, and that the cart fell upon him, by reason 
his whip was seen to be in the pit among the bodies; 
but that, I suppose, could not be certain. 

In our parish of Aldgate, the dead carts were 
several times, as I have heard, found standing at 
the churchyard gate, full of dead bodies ; but neither 
bellman or driver, or any one else with it. Neither 
in these, or many other cases, did they know what 
bodies they had in their cart, for sometimes they 
were let down with ropes out of balconies and out 
of windows ; and sometimes the bearers brought 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. l7l 

them to the cart, sometimes other people ; nor. as 
the men themselves said, did they trouble themselves 
to keep any account of the numbers. 

The vigilance of the magistrate was now put to 
the utmost trial ; and, it must be confessed, can 
never be enough acknowledged on this occasion ; 
also, whatever expense or trouble they were at, two 
things were never neglected in the city or suburbs 
either. 

1. Provisions were always to be had in full plenty, 
and the price not much raised neither, hardly worth 
speaking. 

2. No dead bodies lay unburied or uncovered ; 
and if one walked from the one end of the city to 
another, no funeral or sign of it was to be seen in 
the daytime ; except a little, as I have said, in the 
three first weeks in September. 

This last article, perhaps, will hardly be believed, 
when some accounts which others have published 
since that, shall be seen ; wherein they say, that the 
dead lay unburied, which I am sure was utterly 
false ; at least, if it had been anywhere so, it must 
have been in houses where the living were gone 
from the dead, having found means, as I have ob- 
served, to escape, and where no notice was given to 
the officers. All which amounts to nothing at all 
in the case in hand ; for this I am positive in, having 
been myself employed a little in the direction of that 
part in the parish in which I lived, and where as 
great a desolation was made, in proportion to the 
number of inhabitants, as w^as anywhere. I say, I 
am sure that there v/ere no dead bodies remained 
unburied ; that is to say, none that the proper 
officers knew of, none for want of people to carry 
them off, and buriers to put them into the ground 
and cover them ; and this is sufficient for the argu- 
ment ; for what might lie in houses and holes, as in 



172 THE HISTORY OP 

Moses and Aaron-alley, is nothing, for it is most 
certain they were buried as soon as they were found. 
As to the first article, namely, of provisions, the 
scarcity or dearness, though I have mentioned it 
before, and shall speak of it again, yet I must ob- 
serve here, 

(1.) The price of bread, in particular, was not 
raised ; for, in the beginning of the year, viz. in the 
first week in March, the penny wheaten loaf was 
ten ounces and a half; and in the height of the 
contagion, it was to be had at nine ounces and a 
half, and never dearer, no, not all that season. And 
about the beginning of November, it was sold ten 
ounces and a half again ; the like of which, 1 be- 
lieve, was never heard of in any city, under so 
dreadful a visitation, before. 

(2.) Neither was there, which I wondered much 
at, any want of bakers or ovens kept open to sup- 
ply the people with bread ; but this was indeed al- 
leged by some families, viz. that their maid- 
servants going to the bakehouses with their dough 
to be baked, which was then the custom, sometimes 
came home with the sickness upon them, that is to 
say, the plague upon them. 

In all this dreadful visitation, there were, as I 
have said before, but two pesthouses made use of, 
viz. one in the fields beyond Old-street, and one 
in Westminster ; neither was there any compulsion 
used in carrying people thither. Indeed there was 
no need of compulsion in the case, for there were 
thousands of poor distressed people, who, having 
no help, or conveniences, or supplies, but of charity, 
would have been very glad to have been carried 
thither, and been taken care of, which, indeed, 
was the only thing that, I think, was wanting in 
the whole public management of the city ; seeing 
nobody was here allowed to be brought to the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 173 

pesthouse, but where money was given, or security 
for money, either at their introducing, or upon their 
being cured and sent out ; for many were sent out 
again whole, and very good physicians were ap- 
pointed to those places, so that many people did 
very well there, of which I will make mention again. 
The principal sort of people sent thither were, as I 
have said, servants, who got the distemper by going 
of errands to fetch necessaries for the families 
v/here they lived ; and who, in that case, if they 
came home sick, were removed, to preserve the rest 
of the house ; and they were so well looked after 
there, in all the time of the visitation, that there 
was but 156 buried in all at the London pesthouse, 
and 159 at that of Westminster. 

The magistrates wisely caused the people to be 
encouraged, made very good by-laws for the regu- 
lating the citizens, keeping good order in the streets, 
and making everything as eligible as possible to all 
sorts of people. 

In the first place, the lord mayor and the sheriffs, 
the court of aldermen, and a certain number of the 
common-council men, or their deputies, came to a 
resolution, and published it, viz. that they would 
not quit the city themselves, but that they would 
be always at hand for the preserving good order in 
every place, and for doing justice on all occasions ; 
as also for the distributing the public charity to the 
poor ; and, in a word, for the doing the duty and 
discharging the trust reposed in them by the citizens, 
to the utmost of their power. 

In pursuance of these orders, the lord mayor, 
sheriffs, &c., held councils every day, more or less, 
for making such dispositions as they found needful 
for preserving the civil peace ; and though they 
used the people with all possible gentleness and 



174 THE HISTORY OF 

clemency, yet all manner of presumptuous rogues, 
such as thieves, housebreakers, plunderers of the 
dead or of the sick, were duly punished, and seve- 
ral declarations were continually published by the 
lord mayor and court of aldermen against such. 

Also, all constables and churchwardens were 
enjoined to stay in the city upon severe penalties, 
or to depute such able and sufficient housekeepers 
as the deputy-aldermen, or common-council men 
of the precinct should approve, and for whom they 
should give security ; and also security in case of 
mortality, that they would forthwith constitute 
other constables in their stead. 

These things re-established the minds of the peo- 
ple very much ; especially in the first of their fright, 
when they talked of making so universal a flight, 
that the city would have been in danger of being 
entirely deserted of its inhabitants, except the poor, 
and the country of being plundered and laid waste 
by the multitude. Nor were the magistrates de- 
ficient in performing their part as boldly as they 
promised it ; for my lord mayor and the sheriffs 
were continually in the streets, and at places of the 
greatest danger ; and though they did not care for 
having too great a resort of people crowding upon 
them, yet, in emergent cases, they never denied the 
people access to them, and heard with patience all 
their grievances and complaints ; my lord had a 
low gallery, built on purpose in his hall, where he 
stood, a little removed from the crowd, when any 
complaint came to be heard, that he might appear 
with as much safety as possible. 

Likewise, the proper officers, called my lord 
mayors officers, constantly attended in their turns, 
as they were in waiting ; and if any of them were 
sick or infected, as some of them were, others were 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 1 / 5 

instantly employed to fill up and officiate in their 
places, till it was known whether the other should 
live or die. 

In like manner the sheriffs and aldermen did, in 
their several stations and wards, where they were 
placed by office, and the sheriff's officers or Ser- 
jeants were appointed to receive orders from the 
respective aldermen in their turn ; so that justice 
was executed in all cases without interruption. In 
the next place, it was one of their particular cares 
to see the orders for the freedom of the markets ob- 
served ; and in this part, either the lord mayor, or 
one or both of the sheriffs, were every market-day 
on horseback to see their orders executed, and to 
see that the country people had all possible encou- 
ragement and freedom in their coming to the mar- 
kets, and going back again ; and that no nuisance 
or frightful object should be seen in the streets to 
terrify them, or make them unwilling to come. 
Also, the bakers were taken under particular order, 
and the master of the Bakers' Company was, with 
his court of assistants, directed to see the order of 
my lord mayor for their regulation put in exe- 
cution, and the due assize of bread, which was 
weekly appointed by my lord mayor, observed ; 
and all the bakers were obliged to keep their ovens 
going constantly, on pain of losing the privileges of 
freeman of the city of London. 

By this means, bread was always to be had in 
plenty, and as cheap as usual, as I said above ; and 
provisions were never wanting in the markets, even 
to such a degree that I often wondered at it, and 
reproached myself with being so timorous and cau- 
tious in stirring abroad, when the country people 
came freely and boldly to market, as if there had 
been no manner of infection in the city, or danger 
of catching it. 



176 THE HISTORY OF 

It was, indeed, one admirable piece of conduct 
in the said magistrates, that the streets were kept 
constantly clear and free from all manner of fright- 
ful objects, dead bodies, or any such things as were 
indecent or unpleasant ; unless where anybody fell 
down suddenly, or died in the streets, as I have 
said above, and these were generally covered with 
some cloth or blanket, or removed into the next 
churchyard till night. All the needful works that 
carried terror with them, that were both dismal 
and dangerous, were done in the night ; if any 
diseased bodies were removed, or dead bodies 
buried, or infected clothes burnt, it was done in the 
night ; and all the bodies which were thrown into 
the great pits in the several churchyards or burying- 
grounds, as has been observed, were so removed in 
the night ; and everything was covered and closed 
before day. So that in the daytime, there was 
not the least signal of the calamity to be seen or 
heard of, except what was to be observed from the 
emptiness of the streets, and sometimes from the 
passionate cries and lamentations of the people, out 
at their windows, and from the numbers of houses 
and shops shut up. 

Nor was the silence and emptiness of the streets 
so much in the city as in the out-parts ; except 
just at one particular time, when, as I have men- 
tioned, the plague came east, and spread over all 
the city. It was indeed a merciful disposition of 
God, that as the plague began at one end of the 
town first, as has been observed at large, so it pro- 
ceeded progressively to other parts, and did not 
come on this way, or eastward, till it had spent its 
fury in the west part of the town ; and so as it 
come on one way, it abated another. 

And here let me take leave to enter again, 
though it may seem a repetition of circumstances, 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 177 

into a description of the miserable condition of the 
city itself, and of those parts where I lived, at this 
particular time. The city, and those other parts, 
notwithstanding the great numbers of people that 
were gone into the country, was vastly full of peo- 
ple ; and perhaps the fuller, because people had, for 
a long time, a strong belief that the plague would 
not come into the city, nor into Southwark, no, nor 
into Wapping or Ratcliff at all ; nay, such was the 
assurance of the people on that head, that many re- 
moved from the suburbs on the west and north 
sides, into those eastern and south sides as for 
safety, and, as I verily believe, carried the plague 
amongst them there, perhaps sooner than they 
would otherwise have had it. 

Here, also, I ought to leave a further remark for 
the use of posterity, concerning the manner of 
people's infecting one another ; namely, that it was 
not the sick people only from whom the plague was 
immediately received by others that were sound, 
but the well. To explain myself; by the sick 
people, 1 mean those that were known to be sick, 
had taken their beds, had been under cure, or had 
swellings or tumours upon them, and the like ; 
these everybody could beware of, they were either 
in their beds, or in such condition as could not be 
concealed. 

By the well, I mean such as had received the 
contagion, and had it really upon them, and in their 
blood, yet did not show the consequences of it in 
their countenances ; nay, even were not sensible of 
it themselves, as many were not for several days. 
These breathed death in every place, and upon 
everybody who came near them ; nay, their very 
clothes retained the infection, their hands would 
infect the things they touched, especially if they 

PLAGUE. if 



178 THE HISTORY OF 

were warm and sweaty ; and they were generally 
apt to sweat too. 

Now it was impossible to know these people, nor 
did they sometimes, as I have said, know them- 
selves to be infected. These were the people that 
dropt down and fainted in the streets ; for often- 
times they would go about the streets to the last, 
till on a sudden they would sweat, grow faint, sit 
down at a door, and die. It is true, finding them- 
selves thus, they would struggle hard to get home 
to their own doors, or, at other times, would be 
just able to go into their houses, and die instantly ; 
other times they would go about till they had the 
very tokens come out upon them, and yet not know 
it, and would die in an hour or two after they came 
home, but be well as long as they were abroad. 
These were the dangerous people,/these were the 
people of whom the well people ought to have been 
afraid ; but then, on the other side, it was impos- 
sible to know them. 

Many persons, in the time of this visitation, never 
perceived that they were infected, till they found, 
to their unspeakable surprise, the tokens come out 
upon them, after which they seldom lived six hours ; 
for those spots they called the tokens were really 
gangrene spots, or mortified flesh, in small knobs 
as broad as a little silver penny, and hard as a piece 
of callus or horn ; so that when the disease was 
come up to that length, there was nothing could 
follow but certain death ; and yet, as I said, they 
knew nothing of their being infected, nor found 
themselves so much as out of order, till those 
mortal marks were upon them. But everybody 
must allow that they were infected in a high 
degree before, and must have been so some time ; 
and, consequently, their breath, their sweat, their 




THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 179 

very clothes were contagious for many days be- 
fore. 

This occasioned a vast variety of cases, which 
physicians would have much more opportunity to 
remember than I ; but some came within the com- 
pass of my observation, or hearing, of which I shall 
name a few. 

A certain citizen, who had lived safe and 
untouched till the month of September, when the 
weight of the distemper lay more in the city than 
it had done before, was mighty cheerful, and some- 
thing too bold, as I think it was, in his talk of how 
secure he was, how cautious he had been, and how 
he had never come near any sick body. Says 
another citizen, a neighbour of his, to him, one day, 

Do not be too confident, Mr. ; it is hard to say 

who is sick ana who is well ; for we see men alive 
and well to outward appearance one hour, and 
dead the next. That is true, says the first man, 
(for he was not a man presumptuously secure, but 
had escaped a long while ; and men, as I said above, 
especially in the city, began to be over-easy upon 
that score) : That is true, says he, I do not think 
myself secure, but I hope I have not been in com- 
pany with any person that there has been any 
danger in. No I says his neighbour ; was not you 
at the Bull-head tavern in Gracechurch-street, with 

Mr. , the night before last ? Yes, says the first, 

I was, but there was nobody there that we had any 
reason to think dangerous. Upon which his neigh- 
bour said no more, being unwilling to surprise him; 
but this made him more inquisitive, and, as his 
neighbour appeared backward, he was the more 
impatient ; and, in a kind of warmth, says he aloud, 
Why, he is not dead, is he ? Upon which his neigh- 
bour still was silent, but cast up his eyes, and said 
something to himself; at which the first citizen 

n2 



180 THE HISTORY OF 

turned pale, and said no more than this, Then I am 
a dead man too ! and went home immediately, and 
sent for a neighbouring apothecary to give him 
something preventive, for he had not yet found him- 
self ill ; but the apothecary opening his breast, 
fetched a sigh, and said no more than this, Look 
up to God ; and the man died in a few hours. 

The plague, like a great fire if a few houses only 
are contiguous where it happens, can only burn a 
few houses ; or if it begins in a single, or, as we 
call it, a lone house, can only burn that lone house 
where it begins. But if it begins in a close town 
or city, and gets ahead, there its fury increases, 
it rages over the whole place, and consumes all it 
can reach. 

It is true, hundreds, yea thousands, of families 
fled away at this last plague ; but then of them 
many fled too late, and not only died in their flight, 
but carried the distemper with them into the coun- 
tries where they went, and infected those whom 
they went among for safety ; which confounded the 
thing, and made that be a propagation of the dis- 
temper which was the best means to prevent it ; 
and this too, is evident of it, and brings me back 
to w^hat I only hinted at before, but must speak 
more fully to here ; namely, that men went about 
apparently well, many days after they had the taint 
of the disease in their vitals, and after their spirits 
were so seized as that they could never escape it ; 
and that all the while they did so they were dan- 
gerous to others ; I say, this proves that so it was ; 
for such people infected the very towns they went 
through, as well as the families they went among. 
And it was by that means that almost all the great 
towns in England had the distemper among them, 
more or less ; and always they would tell you such 
a Londoner or such a Londoner brought it down. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 18 J 

It must not be omitted, that when I speak of 
those people who were really thus dangerous, I 
suppose them to be utterly ignorant of their own 
condition ; for if they really knew their circum- 
stances to be such as indeed they were, they must 
have been a kind of wilful murderers, if they would 
have gone abroad among healthy people, and it 
would have verified the suggestion which I men- 
tioned above, and which I thought untrue, viz., 
that the infected people were utterly careless as 
to giving the infection to others, and rather for- 
ward to do it than not ; and I believe it was partly 
from this very thing that they raised that sugges- 
tion, which I hope was not really true in fact. 

I confess no particular case is sufficient to prove 
a general, but I could name several people within 
the knowledge of some of their neighbours and 
families yet livings who showed the contrary to an 
extreme. One man, a master of a family in my 
neighbourhood, having had the distemper, he 
thought he had it given him by a poor workman 
whom he employed, and whom he went to his house 
to see, or went for some work that he wanted 
to have finished ; and he had some apprehensions 
even while he was at the poor workman's door, but 
did not discover it fully, but the next day it dis- 
covered itself, and he was taken very ill ; upon 
which he immediately caused himself to be carried 
into an outbuilding which he had in his yard, and 
where there was a chamber over a workhouse, the 
man being a brazier. Here he lay, and here he died ; 
and would be tended by none of his neighbours, but 
by a nurse from abroad ; and would not suffer his 
wife, nor children, nor servants, to come up into the 
room, lest they should be infected, but sent them his 
blessing and prayers for them by the nurse, who 
spoke it to them at distance ; and all this for fear 



182 THE HISTORY OF 

of giving them the distemper, and without which, 
he knew, as they were kept up, they could not 
have it. 

And here I must observe also that the plague, 
as I suppose all distempers do, operated in a dif- 
ferent manner on different constitutions. Some 
were immediately overwhelmed with it, and it came 
to violent fevers, vomitings, insufferable headaches, 
pains in the back ; and so up to ravings and rag- 
ings with those pains : others with swellings and 
tumours in the neck and groin, or armpits, which, 
till they could be broke, put them into insufferable 
agonies and torment ; while others, as I have ob- 
served, were silently infected, the fever preying 
upon their spirits insensibly, and they seeing little 
of it till they fell into swooning, and faintings, and 
death without pain. 

I am not physician enough to enter into the par- 
ticular reasons and manner of these differing effects 
of one and the same distemper, and of its differing 
operation in several bodies ; nor is it my business 
here to record the observations which I really 
made, because the doctors themselves have done 
that part much more effectually than I can do, 
and because my opinion may, in some things, differ 
from theirs. I am only relating what I know, or 
have heard, or believe of the particular cases, and 
what fell within the compass of my view, and the 
different nature of the infection, as it appeared in 
the particular cases which I have related ; but this 
may be added, too, that though the former sort of 
those cases, namely, those openly visited, were the 
worst for themselves as to pain, I mean those that 
had such fevers, vomitings, headaches, pains, and 
swellings, because they died in such a dreadful 
manner ; yet the latter had the worst state of the 
disease, for in the former they frequently recover- 



ff 



X^'w^Aj 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 183 

ed, especially if the swellings broke ; but the latter 
was inevitable death, no cure, no help could be 
possible, nothing could follow but death ; and it 
was worse also to others, because, as above, it 
secretly, and unperceived by others or by themselves, 
communicated death to those they conversed with, 
thepenetratin£_poison insinuating itself into their 
blo'odTn a manner wliich it was impossible to de- 
scribe, or indeed conceive. 

This infecting and being infected, without so 
much as its being known to either person, is evident 
from two sorts of cases, which frequently hap- 
pened at that time ; and there is hardly anybody 
living, who was in London during the infection, 
but must have known several of the cases of both 
sorts. 

1. Fathers and mothers have gone about as if 
they had been well, and have believed themselves 
to be so, till they have insensibly infected and been 
the destruction of their whole families ; which they 
would have been far from doing, if they had had the 
least apprehensions of their being dangerous them- 
selves. A family, whose story I have heard, was 
thus infected by the father, and the distemper be- 
gan to appear upon some of them even before he 
found it upon himself; but searching more nar- 
rowly, it appeared he had been affected some time, 
and as soon as he found that his family had been 
poisoned by himself, he went distracted, and would 
have laid violent hands upon himself, but was kept 
from that by those who looked to him, and in a few 
days died. 

2. The other particular is, that many people 
having been well to the best of their own judgment, 
or by the best observation which they could make 
of themselves for several days, and only finding a 
decay of appetite, or a light sickness upon their 



184 THE HISTORY OF 

stomaclis ; nay, some whose appetite has been 
strong, and even craving, and only a light pain in 
their heads, have sent for physicians to know what 
ailed them, and have been found, to their great sur- 
prise, at the brink of death, the tokens upon them, 
or the plague grown up to an incurable height. 

It was very sad to reflect, how such a person as 
this last mentioned above, had been a walking de- 
stroyer, perhaps for a week or fortnight before that ; 
how he had ruined those that he would have 
hazarded his life to save ; and had been breathing 
death upon them, even perhaps in his tender kissing 
and embracings of his own children. Yet thus cer- 
tainly it was, and often has been, and I could give 
many particular cases where it has been so. If then 
the blow is thus insensibly striking ; if the arrow 
flies thus unseen, and cannot be discovered; to what 
purpose are all the schemes for shutting up or re- 
moving the sick people ? Those schemes cannot take 
place but upon those that appear to be sick, or to 
be infected ; whereas there are among them, at the 
same time, thousands of people who seem to be well, 
but are all that while carrying death with them into 
all companies which they come into. 

This frequently puzzled our physicians, and espe- 
cially the apothecaries and surgeons, who knew not 
how to discover the sick from the sound. They all 
allowed that it was really so ; that many people had 
the plague in their very blood, and preying upon 
their spirits, and were in themselves but walking 
putrefied carcases, whose breath was infectious, and 
their sweat poison, and yet were as well to look on 
as other people, and even knew it not themselves ; 
I say, ihey all allowed that it was really true in fact, 
but they knew not how to propose a discovery. 

My friend Dr. Heath was of opinion, that it might 
be known by the smell of their breath ; but then, as 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 185 

he said, who durst smell to that breath for his infor- 
mation ? since, to know it, he must draw the stench 
of the plague up into his own brain, in order to dis- 
tinguish the smell I I have heard, it was the opinion 
of others, that it might be distinguished by the 
party's breathing upon a piece of glass, where, the 
breath condensing, there might living creatures be 
seen, by a microscope, of strange, monstrous, and 
frightful shapes, such as dragons, snakes, serpents, 
and devils, horrible to behold. But this 1 very 
much question the truth of; and we had no mi- 
croscopes at that time, as I remember, to make the 
experiment with. 

It was the opinion also of another learned man, 
that the breath of such a person would poison and 
instantly kill a small bird ; not only a small bird, 
but even a cock or hen ; and that, if it did not im- 
mediately kill the latter, it would cause them to be 
roupy, as they call it ; particularly that if they had 
laid any eggs at that time, they would be all rotten. 
But those are opinions which I never found sup- 
ported by any experiments, or heard of others that 
had seen it ; so I leave them as I find them, only 
with this remark, namely, that I think the probabi- 
lities are very strong for them. 

Some have proposed that such persons should 
breathe hard upon warm water, and that they would 
leave an unusual scum upon it, or upon several other 
things ; especially such as are of a glutinous sub- 
stance, and are apt to receive a scum, and support 
it. 

But, from the whole, I found that the nature of 
this contagion was such, that it was impossible to 
discover it at all, or to prevent it spreading from 
one to another by any human skill. 

Great were the confusions at that time upon this 
very account ; and when people began to be con- 



186 THE HISTORY OF 

vinced, that the infection was received in this sur- 
prising manner from persons apparently well, they 
began to be exceeding shy and jealous of every one 
that came near them. Once, in a public day, 
whether a sabbath day or not, I do not remember, 
in Aldgate church, in a pew full of people, on a 
sudden one fancied she smelt an ill smell ; imme- 
diately she fancies the plague was in the pew, 
whispers her notion or suspicion to the next, then 
rises and goes out of the pew ; it immediately took 
with the next, and so with them all, and every one 
of them and of the two adjoining pews, got up and 
went out of the church, nobody knowing what it 
was offended them, or from whom. 

This immediately filled everybody's mouths with 
one preparation or other, such as the old women 
directed, and some perhaps as physicians directed, 
in order to prevent infection by the breath of others; 
insomuch, that if we came to go into a church, when 
it was anything full of people, there would be such 
a mixture of smells at the entrance, that it was much 
more strong, though perhaps not so wholesome, than 
if you were going into an apothecary's or druggist's 
shop. In a word, the whole church was like a 
smelling bottle ; in one corner it was all perfumes, 
in another aromatics, balsamics, and variety of 
drugs and herbs ; in another, salts and spirits, as 
every one was furnished for their own preservation; 
yet 1 observed, that after people were possessed, as 
I have said, with the belief, or rather assurance, of 
the infection being thus carried on by persons ap- 
rarently in health, the churches and meeting-houses 
were much thinner of people than at other times, 
before that, they used to be ; for this is to be said of 
the people of London, that, during the whole time 
of the pestilence, the churches or meetings were 
never wholly shut up, nor did the people decline 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 187 

coming out to the public worship of God, except 
only in some parishes, when the violence of the 
distemper Avas more particularly in that parish at 
that time; and even then no longer than it continued 
to be so. 

Indeed, nothing was more strange than to see 
with what courage the people went to the public 
service of God, even at that time when they were 
afraid to stir out of their own houses upon any other 
occasion ; this I mean before the time of desperation 
which I have mentioned already. This was a proof 
of the exceeding populousness of the city at the 
time of the infection, notwithstanding the great 
numbers that were gone into the country at the first 
alarm, and that fled out into the forests and woods 
when they were further terrified with the extraor- 
dinary increase of it. 

It must be acknowledged, that when people began 
to use these cautions, they were less exposed to 
danger, and the infection did not break into such 
houses so furiously as it did into others before, and 
thousands of families were preserved, speaking with 
due reserve to the direction of divine Providence, 
by that means. 

But it was impossible to beat anything into the 
heads of the poor. They went on with the usual 
impetuosity of their tempers, full of outcries and 
lamentation when taken, but madly careless of them- 
selves, foolhardy and obstinate, while they were 
well. Where they could get employment they 
pushed into any kind of business, the most danger- 
ous and the most liable to infection ; and, if they 
were spoken to, their answer would be, I must trust 
to God for that ; if I am taken, then I am provided 
for, and there is an end of me ; and the like. Or 
thus. Why what must I do ? I cannot starve, I had 
as good have the plague as perish for want ; I have 



188 THE HISTORY OF 

no work ; what could I do ? I must do this, or beg. 
Suppose it was burying the dead, or attending the 
sick, or watching infected houses, which were all 
terrible hazards ; but their tale was generally the 
same. It is true, necessity was a very justifiable, 
warrantable plea, and nothing could be better ; but 
their way of talk was much the same, where the 
necessities were not the same. This adventurous 
conduct of the poor was that which brought the plague 
among them in a most furious manner ; and this, 
joined to the distress of their circumstances, when 
taken, was the reason why they died so by heaps ; 
for I cannot say 1 could observe one jot of better 
husbandry among them, I mean the labouring poor, 
while they were all well and getting money, than 
there was before, but as lavish, as extravagant, and 
as thoughtless for tomorrow as ever ; so that, when 
they came to be taken sick, they were immediately 
in the utmost distress, as well for want as for sick- 
ness, as well for lack of food as lack of health. 

It must not be forgot here to take some notice of 
the state of trade during the time of this common 
calamity ; and this with respect to foreign trade, as 
also to our home trade. 

As to foreign trade, there needs little to be said. 
The trading nations of Europe were all afraid of us ; 
no port of France, or Holland, or Spain, or Italy, 
would admit our ships or correspond with us; indeed 
we stood on ill terms with the Dutch, and were in 
a furious war with them, though in a bad condition 
to fight abroad, who had such dreadful enemies to 
struggle with at home. 

Our merchants were accordingly at a full stop, 
their ships could go nowhere, that is to say, to no 
place abroad ; their manufactures and merchandise, 
that is to say, of our growth, would not be touched 
abroad ; they were as much afraid of our goods as 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 189 

they were of our people; and, indeed, they had 
reason, for our woollen manufactures are as retentive 
of infection as human bodies, and, if packed up by 
persons infected, would receive the infection and be 
as dangerous to touch as a man would be that was 
infected ; and, therefore, when any English vessel 
arrived in foreign countries, if they did take the 
goods on shore, they always caused the bales to be 
opened and aired in places appointed for that pur- 
pose. But from London, they would not suffer them 
to come into port, much less to unlade their goods 
upon any terms w^hatever. 

The inconveniences in Spain and Portugal were 
still greater ; for they would by no means suffer 
our ships, especially those from London, to come 
into any of their ports, much less to unlade. There 
was a report, that one of our ships, having by stealth 
delivered her cargo, among which was some English 
cloth, cotton, kerseys, and such-like goods, the Spa- 
niards caused all the goods to be burnt, and punished 
the men with death who were concerned in carrying 
them on shore. This I believe was in part true, 
though I do not affirm it; but it is not at all unlikely, 
seeing the danger was really very great, the infec- 
tion being so violent in London. 

It remains to give some account of the state of 
trade at home in England, during this dreadful time; 
and, particularly, as it relates to the manufactures 
and the trade in the city. iVt the first breaking out 
of the infection, there was, as it is easy to suppose, 
a very great fright among the people, and conse- 
quently a general stop of trade, except in provisions 
and necessaries of life ; and even in those things, 
as there was a vast number of people fled, and a 
very great number always sick, besides the number 
which died, so there could not be above two-thirds, 



190 THE HISTORY OF 

if above one-half, of the consumption of provisions 
in the city as used to be. 

It pleased God to send a very plentiful year of 
corn and fruit, but not of hay or grass ; by which 
means bread was cheap, by reason of the plenty of 
corn ; flesh was cheap, by reason of the scarcity of 
grass ; but butter and cheese were dear for the 
same reason ; and hay in the market, just beyond 
Whitechapel bars, was sold at 41. per load ; but 
that affected not the poor. There was a most ex- 
cessive plenty of all sorts of fruit, such as apples, 
pears, plumbs, cherries, grapes, and they were the 
cheaper, because of the wants of the people ; but 
this made the poor eat them to excess, and this 
brought them into fluxes, griping of the guts, sur- 
feits, and the like, which often precipitated them 
into the plague. 

But to come to matters of trade. First, foreign 
exportation being stopped, or at least very much 
interrupted, and rendered difficult, a general stop 
of all those manufactures followed of course, which 
were usually brought for exportation ; and, though 
merchants abroad were importunate for goods, yet 
little was sent, the passages being so generally 
stopped that the English ships would not be ad- 
mitted, as is said already, into their port. 

This put a stop to the manufactures that were 
for exportation in most parts of England, except in 
some outports, and even that was soon stopped ; 
for they all had the plague in their turn. But, 
though this was felt all over England, yet, what was 
still worse, all intercourse of trade for home con- 
sumption of manufactures, especially those which 
usually circulated through the Londoners' hands, 
was stopped at once, the trade of the city being 
stopped. 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 191 

All kinds of handicraft in the city, &c., trades- 
men and mechanics, were, as I have said before, 
out of employ, and this occasioned the putting off 
and dismissing an innumerable number of journey- 
men and workmen of all sorts, seeing nothing was 
done relating to such trades, but what might be 
said to be absolutely necessary. 

This caused the multitude of single people in 
London to be unprovided for ; as also of families, 
whose living depended upon the labour of the heads 
of those families ; I say, this reduced them to ex- 
treme misery; and I must confess, it is for the ho- 
nour of the city of London, and will be for many 
ages, as long as this is to be spoken of, that they 
were able to supply with charitable provision the 
wants of so many thousands as afterwards fell sick, 
and were distressed; so that it may be safely averred, 
that nobody perished for want, at least that the 
magistrates had any notice given them of 

It remains now, that I should say something of 
the merciful part of this terrible judgment. The 
last week in September, the plague being come to a 
crisis, its fury began to assuage. 1 remember my 
friend Dr. Heath, coming to see me the week be- 
fore, told me, he was sure that the violence of it 
would assuage in a few days ; but, when I saw the 
weekly bill of that week, which was the highest of 
the whole year, being 8,297 of all diseases, I up- 
braided him with it, and asked him, what he had 
made his judgment from. His answer, however, 
was not so much to seek as I thought it would have 
been. Look you, says he ; by the number which 
are at this time sick and infected, there should 
have been twenty thousand dead the last week 
instead of eight thousand, if the inveterate mortal 
contagion had been as it was two weeks ago ; for 



192 THE HISTORY OF 

then it ordinarily killed in two or three days, now 
not under eight or ten ; and then not above one in 
five recovered, whereas, I have observed, that now 
not above tv/o in five miscarry ; and observe it from 
me, the next bill will decrease, and you will see 
many more people recover than used to do ; for, 
though a vast multitude are now everywhere in- 
fected, and as many every day fall sick, yet there 
will not so many die as there did, for the malignity 
of the distemper is abated ; adding, that he began 
now to hope, nay, more than hope, that the infec- 
tion had passed its crisis, and was going off; and, 
accordingly, so it was, for the next week being, as 
I said, the last in September, the bill decreased al- 
most two thousand. 

It is true, the plague was still at a frightful height, 
and the next bill was no less than 6,460, and the 
next to that 5,720 ; but still my friend's observation 
was just, and it did appear the people did recover 
faster, and more in number, than they used to do ; 
and, indeed, if it had not been so, what had been 
the condition of the city of London ? for, according 
to my friend, there were not fewer than sixty thou- 
sand people at that time infected, whereof, as above, 
20,477 died, and near forty thousand recovered ; 
whereas, had it been as it was before, fifty thousand 
of that number would very probably have died, if not 
more, and fifty thousand more would have sickened ; 
for, in a word, the whole mass of people began to 
sicken, and it looked as if none would escape. 

But this remark of my friend's appeared more 
evident in a few weeks more ; for the decrease went 
on, and another week in October it decreased 1843, 
so that the number dead of the plague was but 
2,665; and the next week it decreased 1413 more, 
and yet it was seen plainly, that there was abund- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 193 

ance of people sick, nay abundance more than or- 
dinary, and abundance fell sick every day, but, as 
above, the malignity of the disease abated. 

Such is the precipitant disposition of our people, 
whether it is so or not all over the world that is 
none of my particular business to inquire, but I 
saw it apparently here, that as, upon the first fright 
of the infection, they shunned one another, and fled 
from one another's houses, and from the city, with 
an unaccountable, and, as I thought, unnecessary 
fright ; so now, upon this notion spreading, viz., 
that the distemper was not so catching as formerly, 
and that, if it was catched, it was not so mortal ; 
and seeing abundance of people who really fell sick 
recover again daily, they took to such a precipitant 
courage, and grew so entirely regardless of them- 
selves and of the infection, that they made no more 
of the plague than of an ordinary fever, nor indeed 
so much. They not only went boldly into company 
with those who had tumours and carbuncles upon 
them that were running, and consequently conta- 
gious, but eat and drank with them ; nay, into their 
houses to visit them ; and even, as I was told, into 
their very chambers where they lay sick. 

This I could not see rational. My friend Dr. 
Heath allowed, and it was plain to experience, that 
the distemper was as catching as ever, and as many 
fell sick, but only he alleged that so many of those 
that fell sick did not die ; but I think, that, while 
many did die, and that at best the distemper itself 
was very terrible, the sores and swellings very tor- 
menting, and the danger of death not left out of 
the circumstance of sickness, though not so fre- 
quent as before ; all those things together, with the 
exceeding tediousness of the cure, the loathsome- 
ness of the disease, and many other articles, were 
enough to deter any man living from a dangerous 

PLAGUE. o 



194 THE HISTORY OF 

mixture with the sick people, and make them as 
anxious almost to avoid the infection as before. 

Nay, there was another thing which made the 
mere catching of the distemper frightful, and that 
was the terrible burning of the caustics which the 
surgeons laid on the swellings, to bring them to 
break and to run ; without which, the danger of 
death was very great, even to the last ; also, the 
insufferable torment of the swelling, which, though 
it might not make people raving and distracted, as 
they were before, and as I have given several in- 
stances of already, yet they put the patient to in- 
expressible torment ; and those that fell into it, 
though they did escape with life, yet they made 
bitter complaints of those that had told them there 
was no danger, and sadly repented their rashness 
and folly in venturing to run into the reach of it. 

Nor did this unwary conduct of the people end 
here ; for a great many that thus cast off their cau- 
tions, suffered more deeply still, and though many 
escaped, yet many died ; and at least, it had this 
public mischief attending it, that it made the de- 
crease of burials slower than it would otherwise 
have been ; for, as this notion run like lightning 
through the city, and people's heads were possessed 
with it, even as soon as the first great decrease in 
the bills appeared, we found that the two next bills 
did not decrease in proportion ; the reason I take 
to be the people's running so rashly into danger, 
giving up all their former cautions and care, and all 
the shyness which they used to practise ; depend- 
ing that the sickness would not reach them, or 
that, if it did, they should not die. 

The physicians opposed this thoughtless humour 
of the people with all their might, and gave out 
printed directions, spreading them all over the city 
and suburbs, advising the people to continue re- 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 195 

served, and to use still the utmost caution in their 
ordinary conduct, notwithstanding the decrease of 
the distemper ; terrifying them with the danger of 
bringing a relapse upon the whole city, and telling 
them how such a relapse might be more fatal and 
dangerous than the whole visitation that had been 
already ; with many arguments and reasons to ex- 
plain and prove that part to them, and which are 
too long to repeat here. 

But it was all to no purpose ; the audacious crea- 
tures were so possessed with the first joy, and so 
surprised with the satisfaction of seeing a vast de- 
crease in the weekly bills, that they were impene- 
trable by any new terrors, and would not be per- 
suaded, but that the bitterness of death was passed: 
and it was to no more purpose to talk to them, than 
to an east wind ; but they opened shops, went 
about streets, did business, and conversed with any- 
body that came in their way to converse with, whe- 
ther with business or without ; neither inquiring of 
their health, or so much as being apprehensive of 
any danger from them, though they knew them not 
to be sound. 

One John Cock, a barber in St. Martin's-le- 
Grand, was an eminent example of this ; I mean 
of the hasty return of the people when the plague 
was abated. This John Cock had left the town 
with his whole family, and locked up his house, 
and was gone into the country as many others did ; 
and finding the plague so decreased in November, 
that there died but 905 per week, of all diseases, 
he ventured home again ; he had in his family ten 
persons, that is to say, himself and wife, five chil- 
dren, two apprentices, and a maid -servant ; he had 
not been returned to his house above a week, and 
began to open his shop, and carry on his trade, but 
the distemper broke out in his family, and within 

o2 



196 THE HISTORY OF 

about five days they all died, except one ; that is 
to say, himself, his wife, all his five children, and 
his two apprentices ; and only the maid remained 
alive. 

But the mercy of God was greater to the rest 
than we had reason to expect ; for the malignity, 
as I have said, of the distemper was spent, the con- 
tagion was exhausted, and also the winter weather 
came on apace, and the air was clear and cold, with 
some sharp frosts ; and these increasing still, most 
of those that had fallen sick recovered, and the 
health of the city began to return. There was, in- 
deed, some returns of the distemper, even in the 
month of December, and the bills increased near a 
hundred ; but it went off again, and so in a short 
while things began to return to their own channel. 
And wonderful it was to see how populous the city 
was again all on a sudden ; so that a stranger 
could not miss the numbers that were lost, neither 
was there any miss of the inhabitants as to their 
dwellings. Few or no empty houses were to be 
seen, or if there were some, there was no want of 
tenants for them. 

The people being thus returned, as it were in 
in general, it was very strange to find, that in their 
inquiring after their friends, some whole families 
were so entirely swept away, that there was no re- 
membrance of them left ; neither was anybody to 
be found to possess or show any title to that little 
they had left; for in such cases, what was to be 
found was generally embezzled and purloined, some 
gone one way, some another. 

It was said such abandoned effects came to the 
king as the universal heir ; upon which we are told, 
and I suppose it was in part true, that the king 
granted all such as deodands to the lord mayor and 
court of aldermen of London, to be applied to the 



^.., :-^ 1^^ 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 197 

use of the poor, of whom there were very many. 
For it is to be observed, that though the occasions 
of relief, and the objects of distress were very many 
more in the time of the violence of the plague, than 
now after all was over ; yet the distress of the poor 
was more now, a great deal than it was then, be- 
cause all the sluices of general charity were shut : 
people supposed the main occasion to be over, and 
so stopped their hands ; whereas, particular objects 
were still very moving, and the distress of those 
that were poor was very great indeed. 

I should have mentioned, that the quakers had 
at that time also a burying-ground set apart to 
their use, and which they still make use of, and 
they had also a particular dead-cart to fetch their 
dead from their houses ; and the famous Solomon 
Eagle, who, as I mentioned before, had predicted 
the plague as a judgment, and run naked through 
the streets, telling the people that it was come upon 
them to punish them for their sins, had his own 
wife died the very next day of the plague, and was 
carried, one of the first, in the quaker's dead-cart 
to their new burying-ground. 

Great was the reproach thrown on physicians 
who left their patients during the sickness ; and 
now they came to town again, nobody cared to em- 
ploy them ; they were called deserters, and fre- 
quently bills were set up upon their doors, and 
written, Here is a doctor to be let I So that seve- 
ral of those physicians were fain for awhile to sit 
still and look about them, or at least to remove 
their dwellings and set up in new places, and among 
new acquaintance. The like was the case with the 
clergy, who the people were indeed very abusive 
to, writing verses and scandalous reflections upon 
them ; setting upon the church door, Here is a 



198 THE HISTORY OF 

pulpit to be let ; or sometimes, To be sold ; which 
was worse. 

On the other hand, the dissenters reproaching 
those ministers of the Church with going away, and 
deserting their charge, abandoning the people in 
their danger, and when they had most need of com- 
fort, and the like ; this we could not approve ; for 
all men have not the same faith, and the same 
courage, and the scripture commands us to judge 
the most favourably, and according to charity. 

I was once making a list of all such, I mean of 
all those professions and employments who thus 
died, as I call it, in the way of their duty ; but it 
was impossible for a private man to come at a cer- 
tainty in the particulars. I only remember, that 
there died sixteen clergymen, two aldermen, five 
physicians, thirteen surgeons, within the city and 
liberties, before the beginning of September. But 
this being, as I said before, the crisis and extremity 
of the infection, it can be no complete list. As to 
inferior people, I think there died six and forty con- 
stables and headboroughs in the two parishes of 
Stepney and Whitechapel ; but I could not carry 
my list on, for when the violent rage of the distem- 
per, in September, came upon us, it drove us out of 
all measure. Men did then no more die by tale, 
and by number ; they might put out a weekly bill, 
and call them seven or eight thousand, or what 
they pleased ; it is certain they died by heaps, and 
were buried by heaps ; that is to say, without ac- 
count. And, if I might believe some people, who 
were more abroad and more conversant with those 
things than I, though I was public enough for one 
that had no more business to do than I had ; I say, 
if we may believe them, there was no less than 
twenty thousand per week; however the others 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 199 

aver the truth of it, yet I rather choose to keep to 
the public account ; seven or eight thousand per 
week is enough to make good all that I have said 
of the terror of those times ; and it is much to the 
satisfaction of me that write, as well as those that 
read, to be able to say that everything is set down 
with moderation, and rather within compass than 
beyond it. 

I cannot but leave it upon record, that the civil 
officers, such as constables, headboroughs, lord- 
mayor's and sheriff's -men, also parish officers, whose 
business it was to take charge of the poor, did their 
duties, in general, with as much courage as any, 
and, perhaps, with more ; because their work was 
attended with more hazards, and lay more among 
the poor, who were more subject to be infected, 
and in the most pitiful plight when they were taken 
with the infection. But then it must be added too, 
that a great number of them died ; indeed it was 
scarce possible it should be otherwise. 

I have not said one word here about the physic 
or preparations that were ordinarily made use of on 
this terrible occasion ; I mean we that went fre- 
quently abroad up and down the streets, as I did ; 
much of this was talked of in the books and bills of 
our quack doctors, of whom I have said enough 
already. It may, however, be added, that the 
College of Physicians were daily publishing several 
preparations, which they had considered of in the 
process of their practice ; and which, being to be 
had in print, I avoid repeating them for that 
reason. 

One thing I could not help observing, what befell 
one of the quacks, who published that he had a 
most excellent preservative against the plague, 
which whoever kept about them should never be 



200 THE HISTORY OP 

infected, or liable to infection. This man, who, we 
may reasonably suppose, did not go abroad without 
some of this excellent preservative in his pocket, 
yet was taken with the distemper, and carried off in 
two or three days. 

I am not of the number of the physic-haters, or 
physic-despisers ; on the contrary, I have often 
mentioned the regard I had to the dictates of my 
particular friend Dr. Heath ; but yet I must ac- 
knowledge I made use of little or nothing, except, 
as I have observed, to keep a preparation of strong 
scent, to have ready in case I met with anything 
of offensive smells, or went too near any burying- 
place or dead body. 

There was still a question among the learned, 
and at first perplexed the people a little ; and that 
was, in what manner to purge the house and goods 
where the plague had been, and how to render 
them habitable again which had been left empty 
during the time of the plague ; abundance of per- 
fumes and preparations were prescribed by physi- 
cians, some of one kind, some of another ; in which 
the people who listened to them put themselves to 
a great, and, indeed, in my opinion, to an unneces- 
sary expense ; and the poorer people, who only set 
open their windows night and day, burnt brimstone, 
pitch, and gunpowder, and such things, in their 
rooms, did as well as the best ; nay, the eager 
people, who, as I said above, came home in haste, 
and at all hazards, found little or no inconvenience 
in their houses, nor in their goods, and did little or 
nothing to them. 

Though the poor came to town very precipi- 
tantly as I have said, yet, I must say, the rich made 
no such haste. The men of business, indeed, came 
up, but many of them did not bring their families 



;id^\ 



sV-^ 



s^ 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 201 

to town till the spring came on, and that they saw 
reason to depend upon it that the plague would not 
return. 

The court, indeed, came up soon after Christmas; 
but the nobility and gentry, except such as de- 
pended upon, and had employment under the ad- 
ministration, did not come up so soon. 

I should have taken notice here, that notwith- 
standing the violence of the plague in London, and 
other places, yet it was very observable that it was 
never on board the fleet ; and yet, for some time, 
there was a strong press in the river, and even in 
the streets, for seamen to man the fleet. But it 
was in the beginning of the year, when the plague 
was scarce begun, and not at all come down to that 
part of the city where they usually press for seamen ; 
and though a war with the Dutch was not at all 
grateful to the people at that time, and the seamen 
went with a kind of reluctancy into the service, 
and many complained of being dragged into it by 
force, yet it proved, in the event, a happy violence 
to several of them, who had probably peris¥ed in 
the general calamity, and, who, after the summer 
service was over, though they had cause to lament 
the desolation of their families, who, when they 
came back, were many of them in their graves ; yet 
they had room to be thankful that they were 
carried out of the reach of it, though so much 
against their wills. We, indeed, had a hot war 
with the Dutch that year, and one very great en- 
gagement at sea, in which the Dutch were worsted ; 
but we lost a great many men and some ships ; 
But, as I observed, the plague was_not iii_thfi.fleet,_ 
and when they came to lay up the ships in the 
river, the violent part of it began to abate. 

I would be glad if I could close the account of 
this melancholy year with some particular examples 



202 THE HISTORY OF 

historically ; I mean of the thankfulness to God, 
our Preserver, for our being delivered from this 
dreadful calamity. Certainly the circumstances of 
the deliverance, as well as the terrible enemy we 
were delivered from, called upon the whole nation 
for it ; the circumstances of the deliverance were, 
indeed, very remarkable, as I have in part mentioned 
already ; and, particularly, the dreadful condition 
which we were all in, when we were, to the surprise 
of the whole town, made joyful with the hope of a 
stop of the infection. 

Nothing but the immediate finger of God, no- 
thing but omnipotent power could have done it ; 
the contagion despised all medicine, death raged in 
every corner ; and had it gone on as it did then, a 
few weeks more would have cleared the town of all 
and everything that had a soul. Men everywhere 
began to despair, every heart failed them for fear ; 
people were made desperate through the anguish of 
their souls, and the terrors of death sat in the 
countenances of the people. 

In that very moment, when we might very well 
say. Vain was the help of man ; I say, in that very 
moment it pleased God, with a most agreeable sur- 
prise, to cause the fury of it to abate, even of it- 
self; and the malignity declining, as I have said, 
though infinite numbers were sick, yet fewer died ; 
and the very first week's bill decreased 1843, a vast 
number indeed. 

It is impossible to express the change that ap- 
peared in the very countenances of the people, that 
Thursday morning when the weekly bill came out ; 
it might have been perceived in their countenances, 
that a secret surprise and smile of joy sat on every- 
body's face ; they shook one another by the hands 
in the streets, who would hardly go on the same 
side of the way with one another before ; where the 



THE PLAGUE IN LONDON. 203 

Streets were not too broad, they would open their 
windows and call from one house to another, and 
asked how they did, and if they had heard the good 
news that the plague was abated ; some would re- 
turn, when they said good news, and ask, What 
good news? And when they answered that the 
plague was abated, and the bills decreased almost 
two thousand, they would cry out, God be praised ; 
and would weep aloud for joy, telling them they had 
heard nothing of it ; and such was the joy of the 
people, that it was as it were life to them from the 
grave. I could almost set down as many extrava- 
gant things done in the excess of their joy as of 
their grief ; but that would be to lessen the value 
of it. 

It was now, as 1 said before, the people had cast 
off all apprehensions, and that too fast ; indeed, we 
were no more afraid now to pass by a man with a 
white cap upon his head, or with a cloth wrapt 
round his neck, or with his leg limping, occasioned 
by the sores in his groin, all which were frightful to 
the last degree but the week before ; but now the 
street was full of them, and these poor recovering 
creatures, give them their due, appeared very sen- 
sible of their unexpected deliverance ; and I should 
wrong them very much, if I should not acknow- 
ledge, that I believe many of them were really 
thankful ; but I must own, that for the generality 
of the people it might too justly be said of them, as 
was said of the children of Israel, after their being 
delivered from the host of Pharaoh, when they 
passed the Red sea, and looked back and saw the 
Egyptians overwhelmed in the water ; viz. " That 
they sang his praise, but they soon forgot his 
works." 

I can go no further here. I should be counted 
censorious, and perhaps unjust, if I should enter 



O^i^ 



204 THE HISTORY OF THE PLAGUE. 

into the unpleasing work of reflecting, whatever 
cause there was for it, upon the unthankfulness and 
return of all manner of wickedness among us, which 
I was so much an eyewitness of myself I shall 
conclude the account of this calamitous year, there- 
fore, with a coarse but a sincere stanza of my own, 
which I placed at the end of my ordinary memo- 
randums, the.S3me_year_ihey-were written : 

A dreadful plague in London was, 

In the year sixty-five, 
Which swept an hundred thousand souls 

Away ; yet I alive ! 

H. F. 



THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE PLAGUE. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

BY THE AUTHOR OF THE TRUE-BORN 
ENGLISHMAN. 



THE 

CONSOLIDATOR 



It cannot be unknown to any that have travelled 
into the dominions of the czar of Muscovy, that 
this famous rising monarch, Peter the Great, having 
studied all methods for the increase of his power, 
and the enriching as well as polishing his subjects, 
has travelled through most part of Europe, and 
visited the courts of the greatest princes ; from 
whence, by his own observation, as well as by car- 
rying with him artists in most useful knowledge, he 
has transmitted most of our general practice, 
especially in war and trade, to his own unpolite 
people ; and the effects of this curiosity of his are 
exceeding visible in his present proceedings ; for by 
the improvements he obtained in his European 
travels, he has modelled his armies, formed new 
fleets, settled foreign negoce in several remote parts 
of the world ; and we now see his forces besieging 
strong towns, with regular approaches ; and his 
engineers raising batteries, throwing bombs, &c., 
like other nations ; whereas before, they had no- 
thing of order among them, but carried all by 
onslaught and scalado, wherein they either pre- 
vailed by the force of irresistible multitude, or were 
slaughtered by heaps, and left the ditches of their 
enemies filled with their dead bodies. 

We see their armies now formed into regular 

CONSOLIDATOR. i^ 



210 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

battalions ; and their Strelitz musketeers, a people 
equivalent to the Turks' Janizaries, clothed like 
our guards, firing in platoons, and behaving them- 
selves with extraordinary bravery and order. 

We see their ships now completely fitted, built and 
furnished, by the English and Dutch artists, and 
their men of war cruise in the Baltic. Their new 
city of Petersburg, built by the present czar, begins 
now to look like our Portsmouth, fitted with wet 
and dry docks, storehouses, and magazines of naval 
preparations, vast and incredible ; which may serve 
to remind us, how we once taught the French to 
build ships, till they are grown able to teach us how 
to use them. 

As to trade, our large fleets to Archangel may 
speak for it, where we now send a hundred sail yearly, 
instead of eight or nine, which were the greatest 
number we ever sent before ; and the importation 
of tobaccoes from England into his dominions, would 
still increase the trade thither, was not the covetous- 
ness of our own merchants the obstruction of their 
advantages. But all this by the by. 

As this great monarch has improved his country, 
by introducing the manners and customs of the 
politer nations of Europe ; so, with indefatigable 
industry, he has settled a new, but constant trade, 
between his country and China, by land ; where his 
caravans go twice or thrice a year, as numerous 
almost, and as strong, as those from Egypt to Persia : 
nor is the way shorter^ or the deserts they pass 
over, less wild and uninhabitable, only that they 
are not so subject to floods of sand, if that term be 
proper, or to troops of Arabs, to destroy them by 
the way ; for this powerful prince, to make this 
terrible journey feasible to his subjects, has built 
forts, planted colonies and garrisons at proper 
distances ; where, though they are seated in countries 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 211 

entirely barren, and among uninhabited rocks and 
sands, yet, by his continual furnishing them from 
his own stores, the merchants travelling are relieved 
on good terms, and meet both with convoy and 
refreshment. 

More might be said of the admirable decora- 
tions of this journey, and how so prodigious an at- 
tempt is made easy ; so that now they have an 
exact correspondence, and drive a prodigious trade 
between Moscow and Tonquin ; but, having a longer 
voyage in hand, I shall not detain the reader, nor 
keep him till he grows too big with expectation. 

Now, as all men know the Chinese are an ancient, 
wise, polite, and most ingenious people ; so the 
Muscovites begun to reap the benefit of this open 
trade ; and not only to grow exceeding rich by the 
bartering for all the wealth of those eastern coun- 
tries, but to polish and refine their customs and 
manners as much, on that side, as they have from 
their European improvements on this. 

And as the Chinese have many sorts of learning 
which these parts of the world never heard of, so all 
those useful inventions which we admire ourselves 
so much for, are vulgar and common with them, and 
were in use long before our parts of the world were 
inhabited. Thus gunpowder, printing, and the 
use of the magnet and compass, which we call 
modern inventions, are not only far from being inven- 
tions, but fall so far short of the perfection of art 
they have attained to, that it is hardly credible 
what wonderful things we are told of from thence ; 
and all the voyages the author has made thither, 
being employed another way, have not yet furnished 
him with the particulars fully enough to transmit 
them to view ; not but that he is preparing a 
scheme of all those excellent arts those nations are 
masters of, for public view, by way of detection of 

p2 



212 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

the monstrous ignorance and deficiencies of Euro- 
pean science ; which may serve as a Lexicon 
Technicum for this present age, with useful dia- 
grams for that purpose ; wherein I shall not fail to 
acquaint the world, 1. With the art of gunnery, 
as practised in China long before the war of the 
giants, and by which those presumptuous animals 
fired redhot bullets right up into heaven, and made a 
breach sufficient to encourage them to a general 
storm ; but being repulsed with great slaughter, 
they gave over the siege for that time. This 
memorable part of history shall be a faithful 
abridgment of Ibra Chizra-le-peglizar, historio- 
grapher-royal to the emperor of China, who wrote 
anno mundi 114., his volumes extant, in the public 
library at Tonquin, printed in leaves of vitrified 
diamond, by an admirable dexterity, struck all at 
an oblique motion, the engine remaining entire, and 
still fit for use, in the chamber of the emperor's 
rarities. 

And here I shall give you a draft of the engine it- 
self, and a plan of its operation, and the wonderful 
dexterity of its performance. 

If these labours of mine shall prove successful, I 
may, in my next journey that way, take an abstract 
of their most admirable tracts in navigation, and the 
mysteries of Chinese mathematics ; which outdo 
all modern invention at that rate, that it is incon- 
ceivable : in this elaborate work I must run through 
the 365 volumes of Augro-machi-lanquaro-zi, the 
most ancient mathematician in all China : from 
thence I shall give a description of a fleet of ships 
of a hundred thousand sail, built at the expense of the 
emperor Tangro the XVth ; who having notice of the 
general deluge, prepared these vessels, to every 
city and town in his dominions one, and in bulk 
proportioned to the number of its inhabitants ; into 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 213 

which vessel all the people, with such moveables as 
they thought fit to save, and with a hundred and 
twenty days' provisions, were received at the time 
of the flood ; and the rest of their goods being put 
into great vessels made of China ware, and fast 
luted down on the top, were preserved unhurt by 
the water : these ships they furnished with six hun- 
dred fathom of chain instead of cables, which being 
fastened by wonderful arts to the earth, every vessel 
rid out the deluge just at the town's end; so that 
when the waters abated, the people had nothing to 
do but to open the doors made in the ship-sides, 
and come out, repair their houses, open the great 
China pots their goods were in, and so put them- 
selves in statu quo. 

The draft of one of these ships I may perhaps 
obtain by my interest in the present emperor's 
court, as it has been preserved ever since, and con- 
stantly repaired, riding at anchor in a great lake, 
about a hundred miles from Tonquin ; in which all 
the people of that city were preserved, amounting by 
their computation to about a million and half. 

And as these things must be very useful in these 
parts, to abate the pride and arrogance of our 
modern undertakers of great enterprises, authors of 
strange foreign accounts, philosophical transactions, 
and the like ; if time and opportunity permit, I may 
let them know how infinitely we are outdone by 
those refined nations, in all manner of mechanic 
improvements and arts ; and in discoursing of this, 
it will necessarily come in my way to speak of a 
most noble invention, being an engine I would 
recommend to all people to whom it is necessary to 
have a good memory ; and which I design, if possi- 
ble, to obtain a draft of, that it may be erected in 
our Royal Society's laboratory ; it has the wonder- 
fullest operations in the world : one part of it 



214 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

furnishes a man of business to dispatch his affairs 
strangely ; for if he be a merchant, he shall write 
his letters with one hand, and copy them with the 
other : if he is posting his books, he shall post the 
debtor side with one hand, and the creditor with 
the other ; if he be a lawyer, he draws his drafts 
with one hand, and engrosses them with the other. 

Another part of it furnishes him with such an ex- 
peditious way of writing, or transcribing, that a man 
cannot speak so fast but he that hears shall have it 
down in writing before it is spoken ; and a preacher 
shall deliver himself to his auditory, and having 
this engine before him, shall put down everything 
he says in writing at the same time ; and so exactly 
is this engine squared by lines and rules, that it 
does not require him that writes to keep his eye 
upon it. 

I am told, in some parts of China, they had ar- 
rived to such a perfection of knowledge, as to under- 
stand one another's thoughts ; and that it was found 
to be an excellent preservative to human society, 
against all sorts of frauds, cheats, sharping, and 
many thousand European inventions of that nature 
at which only we can be said to outdo those nations. 

I confess, I have not yet had leisure to travel 
those parts, having been diverted by an accidental 
opportunity of a new voyage I had occasion to make 
for further discoveries, and which the pleasure and 
usefulness thereof having been very great, I have 
omitted the other for the present, but shall not fail 
to make a visit to those parts the first opportunity, 
and shall give my countrymen the best account I 
can of those things ; for I doubt not in time to bring 
our nation, so famed for improving other people's 
discoveries, to be as wise as any of those heathen 
nations ; I wish I had the same prospect of making 
them half so honest. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 215 

I had spent but a few months in this country, 
but ray search after the prodigy of human knowledge 
the people abounds with, led me into acquaintance 
with some of their principal artists, engineers, and 
men of letters ; and I was astonished at every day's 
discovery of new and unheard-of worlds of learning; 
but I improved in the superficial knowledge of their 
general, by nobody so much as by my conversation 
with the library-keeper of Tonquin, by whom I had 
admission into the vast collection of books which 
the emperors of that country have treasured up. 

It would be endless to give you a catalogue, and 
they admit of no strangers to write anything down ; 
but what the memory can retain, you are welcome 
to carry away with you ; and amongst the wonder- 
ful volumes of ancient and modern learning, I could 
not but take notice of a few ; which, besides those 
I mentioned before, 1 saw, when I looked over this 
vast collection ; and a larger account may be given 
in our next. 

It would be needless to transcribe the Chinese 
character, or to put their alphabet into our letters, 
because the words would be both unintelligible, and 
very hard to pronounce; and therefore, to avoid 
hard words and hieroglyphics, I wiU translate them 
as well as I can. 

The first class I came to of books, was the con- 
stitutions of the empire; these are vast great volumes, 
and have a sort of engine like our Magna Charta, to 
remove them, and with placing them in a frame, by 
turning a screw, opened the leaves, and folded them 
this way, or that, as the reader desires. It was 
present death for the library-keeper to refuse the 
meanest Chinese subject to come in and read them; 
for it is their maxim, that all people ought to know 
the laws by which they are to be governed ; and as, 
above all people, we find no fools in this country, 



216 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

SO the emperors, though they seem to be arbitrary, 
enjoy the greatest authority in the world, by always 
observing, with the greatest exactness, the pacta 
conventa of their government : from these principles 
it is impossible we should ever hear either of the 
tyranny of princes, or rebellion of subjects, in all 
their histories. 

At the entrance into this class, you find some 
ancient comments, upon the constitution of the 
empire, written many ages before we pretend the 
world began : but above all, one I took particular 
notice of, which might bear this title. Natural Right 
proved superior to Temporal Power ; wherein the old 
author proves, the Chinese emperors were originally 
made so, by nature's directing the people to place 
the power of government in the most worthy person 
they could find ; and the author, giving a most exact 
history of two thousand emperors, brings them into 
about thirty-five or thirty-six periods of lines, when 
the race ended ; and when a collective assembly of 
the nobles, cities, and people, nominated a new 
family to the government. 

This being an heretical book as to European 
politics, and our learned authors having long since 
exploded this doctrine, and proved that kings and 
emperors came down from heaven with crowns on 
their heads, and all their subjects were born with 
saddles on their backs ; I thought fit to leave it 
where I found it, lest our excellent tracts of sir 

Robert Filmer, Dr. Hammond, L y, S 1, 

and others, who have so learnedly treated of the 
more useful doctrine of passive obedience, divine 
right, &c., should be blasphemed by the mob, grow 
into contempt of the people, and they should take 
upon them to question their superiors for the blood 
of Algernon Sidney and Argyle. 

For I take the doctrines of passive obedience, &c.. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 217 

among the statesmen, to be like the Copernican 
system of the earth's motion among philosophers : 
which, though it be contrary to all ancient know- 
ledge, and not capable of demonstration, yet is 
adhered to in general, because by this they can 
better solve, and give a more rational account of 
several dark phenomena in nature, than they could 
before. 

Thus our modern statesmen approve of this 
scheme of government ; not that it admits of any 
rational defence, much less of demonstration, but 
because by this method they can the better explain, 
as well as defend, all coercion in cases invasive of 
natural right, than they could before. 

Here I found two famous volumes in chirurgery, 
being an exact description of the circulation of the 
blood, discovered long before king Solomon's allegory 
of the bucket's going to the well; with several curious 
methods by which the demonstration was to be made 
so plain, as would make even the worthy doctor 
B himself become a convert to his own eye- 
sight, make him damn his own elaborate book, and 
think it worse nonsense than ever the town had the 
freedom to imagine. 

All our philosophers are fools, and their transac- 
tions a parcel of empty stuff, to the experiments of 
the Royal Societies in this country. Here I came to 
a learned tract of winds, which outdoes even the 
sacred text, and would make us believe it was not 
wrote to those people ; for they tell folks whence it 
comes, and whither it goes. There you have an 
account how to make glasses of hogs' eyes, that can 
see the wind ; and they give strange accounts both 
of its regular and irregular motions, its compositions 
and quantities ; from whence, by a sort of algebra, 
they can cast up its duration, violence, and extent : 
in these calculations, some say, those authors have 



218 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

been so exact, that they can, as our philosophers 
say of comets, state their revolutions, and tell us 
how many storms there shall happen to any period 
of time, and when ; and perhaps this may be with 
much about the same truth. 

It was a certain sign Aristotle had never been at 
China; for, had he seen the 216th volume of the 
Chinese navigation, in the library I am speaking 
of, a large book in double folio, wrote by the famous 
Mira-cho-cho-lasmo, vice-admiral of China, and said 
to be printed there about two thousand years before 
the deluge, in the chapter of tides he would have 
seen the reason of all the certain and uncertain 
fluxes and refluxes of that element, how the exact 
pace is kept between the moon and the tides, with 
a most elaborate discourse there, of the power of 
sympathy, and the manner how the heavenly bodies 
influence the earthly : had he seen this, the Stagy- 
rite would never have drowned himself, because he 
could not comprehend this mystery. 

It is further related of this famous author, that 
he was no native of this world, but was born in the 
moon, and coming hither to make discoveries, by a 
strange invention arrived to by the virtuosos of 
that habitable world, the emperor of China pre- 
vailed with him to stay and improve his subjects 
in the most exquisite accomplishments of those 
lunar regions ; and no wonder the Chinese are 
such exquisite artists, and masters of such sublime 
knowledge, when this famous author has blest them 
with such unaccountable methods of improvement. 

There was abundance of vast classes full of the 
works of this wonderful philosopher : he gave the 
how, the modus of all the secret operations of na- 
ture ; and told us, how sensation is conveyed to 
and from the brain ; why respiration preserves Hfe ; 
and how locomotion is directed to, as well as per- 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 219 

formed by the parts. There are some anatomical 
dissections of thought, and a mathematical descrip- 
tion of nature's strong box, the memory, with all 
its locks and keys. 

There you have that part of the head turned in- 
side outward, in which nature has placed the ma- 
terials of reflecting ; and, like a glass beehive, re- 
presents to you all the several cells in which are 
lodged things past, even back to infancy and con- 
ception. There you have the repository, with all 
its cells, classically, annually, numerically, and alpha- 
betically disposed. There you may see how, when 
the perplexed animal, on the loss of a thought or 
word, scratches his pole, every attack of his invad- 
ing fingers knocks at nature's door, alarms all the 
register-keepers, and away they run, unlock all the 
classes, search diligently for what he calls for, and 
immediately deliver it up to the brain ; if it can- 
not be found, they entreat a little patience, till 
they step into the revolvary, where they run over 
little catalogues of the minutest passages of life, 
and so, in time, never fail to hand on the thing ; 
if not just when he calls for it, yet at some other 
time. 

And thus, when a thing lies very abstruse, and all 
the rummaging of the whole house cannot find it ; 
nay, when all the people in the house have given it 
over, they very often find one thing when they are 
looking for another. 

Next you have the retentive in the remotest 
part of the place, which, like the records in the 
Tower, takes possession of all matters, as they are 
removed from the classes in the repository, for want 
of room. These are carefully locked, and kept safe, 
never to be opened but upon solemn occasions, and 
have swinging great bars and bolts upon them ; so 
that what is kept here, is seldom lost. Here con- 



220 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

science has one large warehouse, and the devil 
another ; the first is very seldom opened, but has a 
chink or till, where all the follies and crimes of life, 
being minuted, are dropt in ; but as the man seldom 
cares to look in, the locks are very rusty, and not 
opened but with great difficulty, and on extra- 
ordinary occasions, as sickness, afflictions, jails, 
casualties, and death ; and then the bars all give 
way at once ; and being prest from within with 
a more than ordinary weight, burst as a cask of 
wine upon the fret, which, for want of vent, makes 
all the hoops fly. 

As for the devil's warehouse, he has two constant 
warehouse-keepers. Pride and Conceit, and these 
are all always at the door, showing their wares, and 
exposing the pretended virtues and accomplish- 
ments of the man, by way of ostentation. 

In the middle of this curious part of nature, 
there is a clear thoroughfare, representing the 
world, through which so many thousand people 
pass so easily, and do so little worth taking notice 
of, that it is for no manner of signification to leave 
word they have been here. Through this opening 
pass millions of things not worth remembering, and 
which the register-keepers, who stand at the doors 
of the classes, as they go by, take no notice of; 
such as friendships, helps in distress, kindnesses 
in affliction, voluntary services, and all sorts of im- 
portunate merit ; things which, being but trifles in 
their own nature, are made to be forgotten. 

In another angle is to be seen the memory's gar- 
den, in which her most pleasant things are not only 
deposited, but planted, transplanted, grafted, in- 
oculated, and obtain all possible propagation and 
increase ; these are the most pleasant, delightful, 
and agreeable things, called envy, slander, revenge, 
strife, and malice, with the additions of ill turns, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 221 

reproaches, and all manner of wrong ; these are 
caressed in the cabinet of the memory, with a world 
of pleasure never let pass, and carefully cultivated 
with all imaginable art. 

There are multitudes of weeds, toys, chat, story, 
fiction, and lying, which, in the great throng of 
passant affairs, stop by the way, and crowding up 
the place, leave no room for their betters that 
come behind, which makes many a good guess be 
put by, and left to go clear through for want of en- 
tertainment. 

There are a multitude of things very curious and 
observable, concerning this little, but very accurate 
thing, called memory ; but above all, I see nothing 
so very curious, as the wonderful art of wilful for- 
getfulness ; and as it is a thing, indeed, I never 
could find any person completely master of, it 
pleased me very much to find this author has made 
a large essay, to prove there is really no such 
power in nature ; and that the pretenders to it are 
all impostors, and put a banter upon the world ; for 
that it is impossible for any man to oblige himself 
to forget a thing, since he that can remember to 
forget, and at the same time forget to remember, 
has an art above the devil. 

In his laboratory you see a fancy preserved a la 
mummy, several thousand years old ; by examining 
which you may perfectly discern, how nature makes 
a poet. Another you have taken from a mere 
natural, which discovers the reasons of nature's 
negative in the case of human understanding ; 
what deprivation of parts she suffers, in the compo- 
sition of a coxcomb ; and with what wonderful art 
she prepares a man to be a fool. 

Here being the product of this author's wonderful 
skill, you have a skeleton of a wit, with all the read- 



222 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

ings of philosophy and chirurgery upon the parts : 
here you see all the lines nature has drawn to form 
a genius ; how it performs, and from what principles. 

Also you are instructed to know the true reason 
of the affinity between poetry and poverty ; and 
that it is equally derived from what is natural and 
intrinsic, as from accident and circumstance ; how 
the world being always full of fools and knaves, wit 
is sure to miss of a good market ; especially, if wit 
and truth happen to come in company ; for the 
fools don't understand it, and the knaves can't bear 
it. 

But still it is owned, and is most apparent, there 
is something also natural in the case too, since 
there are some particular vessels nature thinks ne- 
cessary to the more exact composition of this nice 
thing called a wit, which, as they are or are not 
interrupted in the peculiar offices for which they 
are appointed, are subject to various distempers, 
and more particularly to effluxions and vapours, 
deliriums, giddiness of the brain, and lapsae, or 
looseness of the tongue ; and as these distempers, 
occasioned by the exceeding quantity of volatiles 
nature is obliged to make use of in the composition, 
are hardly to be avoided, the disasters which gene- 
rally they push the animal into, are as necessarily 
consequent to them as night is to the setting of the 
sun ; and these are very many, as disobliging 
parents, who have frequently in this country whipped 
their sons for making verses ; and here I could not 
but reflect how useful a discipline early correction 
must be to a poet ; and how easy the town had been 

had N 1, E w, T. B , P s, D— , 

S , D fy, and a hundred more of the jingling 

train of our modern rhymers, been whipped young, 
very young, for poetasting, they had never perhaps 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 223 

sucked in that venom of ribaldry, which all the 
satire of the age has never been able to scourge out 
of them to this day. 

The further fatal consequences of these unhappy 
defects in nature, where she has damned a man to 
wit and rhyme, has been loss of inheritance, parents 
being aggravated by the obstinate young beaus' 
resolving to be wits in spite of nature, the wiser 
head has been obliged to confederate with nature, 
and withhold the birthright of brains, which other- 
wise the young gentleman might have enjoyed to 
the great support of his family and posterity. Thus 
the famous Waller, Denham, Dryden, and sundry 
others, were obliged to condemn their race to 
lunacy and blockheadism, only to prevent the fatal 
destruction of their families, and entailing the 
plague of wit and weathercocks upon their pos- 
terity. 

The yet further extravagances which naturally 
attend the mischief of wit, are beauism, dogmati- 
cality, whimsification, impudensity, and various 
kinds of fopperosities (according to Mr. Boyle,) 
which, issuing out of the brain, descend into all the 
faculties, and branch themselves, by infinite variety, 
into all the actions of life. 

These, by consequence, beggar the head, the tail, 
the purse, and the whole man, till he becomes as 
poor and despicable as negative nature can leave 
him, abandoned of his sense, his manners, his 
modesty, and what's worse, his money; having 
nothing left but his poetry, dies in a ditch, or a 
garret, alamode de Tom Brown, uttering rhymes 
and nonsense to the last moment. 

In pity to all my unhappy brethren who suffer 
under these inconveniences, I cannot but leave it 
on record, that they may not be reproached with 
being agents of their own misfortunes, since I 



224 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

assure them nature has formed them with the very 
necessity of acting like coxcombs, fixed upon them 
by the force of organic consequences, and placed 
down at the very original effusion of that fatal 
thing called wit. 

Nor is the discovery less wonderful than edifying, 
and no human art on our side the world ever 
found out such a sympathetic influence, between 
the extremes of wit and folly, till this great lunarian 
naturalist furnished us with such unheard-of de- 
monstrations. 

Nor is this all I learnt from him, though I 
cannot part with this, till I have published a 
memento mori, and told them what I had discovered 
of nature in these remote parts of the world ; from 
whence I take the freedom to tell these gentlemen 
that if they please to travel to these distant parts, 
and examine this great master of nature's secrets, 
they may every man see what cross strokes nature 
has struck, to finish and form every extravagant 
species of that heterogeneous kind we call wit. 

There C S may be informed how he 

comes to be very witty and a madman all at once ; 

and P r may see, that with less brains and 

more p x he is more a wit and more a madman 

than the Coll. Ad — son may tell his master, my 

lord 5 the reason from nature, why he would 

not take the court's word, nor write the poem 
called. The Campaign, till he had 200/. per annum 
secured to him ; since it is known they have but 
one author in the nation that writes for them for 
nothing, and he is labouring very hard to obtain 
the title of blockhead, and not be paid for it : 
here D. might understand how he came to be able 
to banter all mankind, and yet all mankind be able 
to banter him ; at the same time, our numerous 
throng of Parnassians may see reasons for the 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 225 

variety of the negative and positive blessings they 
enjoy ; some for having wit and no verse, some 
verse and no wit, some mirth without jest, some 
jest without forecast, some rhyme and no jingle, 
some all jingle and no rhyme, some language with- 
out measure, some all quantity and no cadence, 
some all wit and no sense, some all sense and no 
flame; some preach in rhyme, some sing when they 
preach; some all song and no tune, some all tune 
and no song: all these unaccountables have their 
originals, and can be answered for in unerring 
nature, though in our outside guesses we can say 
little to it. Here is to be seen, why some are all 
nature, some all art ; some beat verse out of the 
twenty-four rough letters, with ten hammers and 
anvils to every line, and maul the language as a 
Swede beats stockfish ; others huff nature, and 
bully her out of whole stanzas of ready-made lines 
at a time, carry all before them, and rumble like 
distant thunder in a black cloud : thus degrees 
and capacities are fitted by nature, according to 
organic efficacy, and the reason and nature of 

things are found in themselves. Had D y seen 

his own draft by this light of Chinese knowledge, 
he might have known he should be a coxcomb 
without writing twenty-two plays, to stand as so 
many records against him. Dryden might have 
told his fate, that having his extraordinary genius 
slung and pitched upon a swivel, it would certainly 
turn round as fast as the times, and instruct him 
how to wTite elegies to O. C. and king C. the 
Second, with all the coherence imaginable ; how to 
write Religio Laicy, and the Hind and Panther, 
and yet be the same man, every day to change his 
principle, change his religion, change his coat, 
change his master, and yet never change his nature. 
There are abundance of other secrets in nature 

CONSOLIDATOR Q 



226 THE CONSOLLDATOR. 

discovered in relation to these things, too many to 
repeat, and yet too useful to omit; as the reason 
why physicians are generally atheists, and why 
atheists are universally fools, and generally live to 
know it themselves ; the real obstructions which 
prevent fools being mad, all the natural causes of 
love, abundance of demonstrations of the synonymous 
nature of love and lechery, especially considered 
a la modern, with an absolute specific for the 
frenzy of love, found out in the constitution, 
x\nglice, a halter. 

It would be endless to reckon up the numerous 
improvements and wonderful discoveries this ex- 
traordinary person has brought down, and which 
are to be seen in his curious chamber of rarities. 

Particularly a map of Parnassus, with an exact 
delineation of all the cells, apartments, palaces and 
dungeons, of that most famous mountain ; with a 
description of its height, and a learned disserta- 
tion, proving it to be the properest place, next to 

the P e house, to take a rise at for a flight to 

the world in the moon. 

Also some inquiries whether Noah's ark did not 
first rest upon it ; and this might be one of the 
summits of Ararat; with some confutations of the 
gross and palpable errors which place this extra- 
ordinary skill among the mountains of the moon, in 
Africa. 

Also you have here a muse calcined, a little of 
the powder of which given to a woman big with 
child, if it be a boy it will be a poet, if a girl she 
will be a whore, if an hermaphrodite it will be 
lunatic. 

Strange things, they tell us, have been done with 
this calcined womb of imagination ; if the body it 
came from was a lyric poet, the child will be a 
beau, or a beauty ; if an heroic poet, he will be 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 227 

a bully ; if his talent was satire, lie will be a philo- 
sopher. 

Another muse, they tell us, they have dissolved 
into a liquid, and kept with wondrous art, the 
virtues of which are sovereign against idiotism, 
dulness, and all sorts of lethargic diseases ; but if 
given in too great a quantity, creates poesy, poverty, 
lunacy, and the devil in the head ever after. 

I confess I always thought these muses strange 
intoxicating things, and have heard much talk of 
their original, but never was acquainted with their 
virtue, a la simple, before; however, I would always 
advise people against too large a dose of wit, and 
think the physician must be a madman that will 
venture to prescribe it. 

As all these noble acquirements came down with 
this wonderful man from the world in the moon, it 
furnished me with these useful observations : — 

1. That country must needs be a place of strange 
perfection, in all parts of extraordinary knowledge. 

2. How useful a thing it would be for most sorts 

of our people, especially statesmen, p t-men, 

convocation-men, philosophers, physicians, quacks, 
mountebanks, stock-jobbers, and all the mob of the 
nation's civil or ecclesiastical bone-setters, together 
with some men of the law, some of the sword, and 
all of the pen : I say, how useful and improving a 
thing it must be to them, to take a journey up to 
the world in the moon ; but above all, how much 
more beneficial it would be to them that stayed be- 
hind. 

3. That it is not to be wondered at, why the 
Chinese excel so much all these parts of the world, 
since but for that knowledge which comes down to 
them from the world in the moon, they would be 
like other people. 

4. No man need to wonder at my exceeding de- 

q2 



228 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

sire to go up to the world in the moon, having 
heard of such extraordinary knowledge to be ob- 
tained there, since in the search of knowledge and 
truth, wiser men than I have taken as unwarrantable 
flights, and gone a great deal higher than the 
moon, into a strange abyss of dark phenomena, 
which they neither could make other people under- 
stand, nor ever rightly understood themselves; wit- 
ness Malbranch, Mr. Lock, Hobbs, the honourable 
Boyle, and a great many others, besides messieurs 
Norris, Asgil, Coward, and the Tale of a Tub. 

This great searcher into nature has, besides all 
this, left wonderful discoveries and experiments be- 
hind him ; but I was with nothing more exceedingly 
diverted than with his various engines, and curious 
contrivances, to go to and from his own native 
country the moon. All our mechanic motions of 
bishop Wilkins, or the artificial wings of the learned 
Spaniard, who could have taught God Almighty how 
to have mended the creation, are fools to this gentle- 
man ; and because no man in China has made more 
voyages up into the moon than myself, I cannot but 
give you some account of the easiness of the pas- 
sage, as well as of the country. 

Nor are his wonderful telescopes of a mean qua- 
lity, by which such plain discoveries are made, of 
the lands and seas in the moon, and in all the ha- 
bitable planets, that one may as plainly see what 
o'clock it is by one of the dials in the moon, as if it 
were no further off than Windsor castle ; and had 
he lived to finish the speaking-trumpet which he 
had contrived to convey sound thither. Harlequin's 
mock-trumpet had been a fool to it ; and it had no 
doubt been an admirable experiment, to have given 
us a general advantage from all their acquired 
knowledge in those regions, where no doubt several 
useful discoveries are daily made by the men of 



THE CONSOLEDATOR. 229 

thought for the improvement of all sorts of human 
understanding; and to have discoursed with them 
on those things, must have been very pleasant, be- 
sides its being very much to our particular advan- 
tage. 

I confess I have thought it might have been very 
useful to this nation, to have brought so wonderful 
an invention hither, and I was once very desirous 
to have set up my rest here, and for the benefit of 
my native country, have made myself master of 
these engines, that I might in due time have con- 
veyed them to our Royal Society, that once in forty 
years they might have been said to do something 
for public good ; and that the reputation and use- 
fulness of the so so's might be recovered in Eng- 
land ; but being told that in the moon there were 
many of these glasses to be had very cheap, and I 
having declared my resolution of undertaking a voy- 
age thither, I deferred my design, and shall defer 
my treating of them till I give some account of my 
arrival there. 

But above all his inventions for making this 
voyage, I saw none more pleasant or profitable than 
a certain engine formed in the shape of a chariot, 
on the backs of two vast bodies with extended 
wings, which spread about fifty yards in breadth, 
composed of feathers so nicely put together, that no 
air could pass; and as the bodies were made of 
lunar earth, which would bear the fire, the cavities 
were filled with an ambient flame, which fed on a 
certain spirit, deposited in a proper quantity to last 
out the voyage ; and this fire so ordered as to move 
about such springs and wheels as kept the wings in 
a most exact and regular motion, always ascendant ; 
thus the person being placed in this airy chariot, 
drinks a certain dozing draught, that throws him 



230 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

into a gentle slumber, and dreaming all the way, 
never wakes till he comes to his journey's end. 



OF THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

These engines are called in their country lan- 
guage, Dupekasses ; and according to the ancient 
Chinese, or Tartarian, Apezolanthukanistes ; in 
English, a Consolidator. 

The composition of this engine is very admirable; 
for, as is before noted, it is all made up of feathers, 
and the quality of the feathers is no less wonderful 
than their composition ; and therefore, I hope the 
reader will bear with the description for the sake of 
the novelty, since I assure him such things as these 
are not to be seen in every country. 

The number of feathers are j ust 513; they are all 
of a length and breadth exactly, which is absolutely 
necessary to the floating figure, or else one side or 
any one part being wider or longer than the rest, 
it would interrupt the motion of the whole engine ; 
only there is one extraordinary feather, which, as 
there is an odd one in the number, is placed in the 
centre, and is the handle, or rather rudder to the 
whole machine : this feather is every way larger 
than its fellows, it is almost as long and broad again ; 
but above all, its quill or head is much larger, and 
it has, as it were, several small bushing feathers 
round the bottom of it, which all make but one 
presiding or superintendent feather, to guide, re- 
gulate, and pilot the whole body. 

Nor are these common feathers, but they are 
picked and culled out of all parts of the lunar 
country, by the command of the prince ; and every 
province sends up the best they can find, or ought 
to do so at least, or else they are very much to 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 23 I 

blame ; for the employment they are put to being 
of so great use to the public, and the voyage or 
flight so exceeding high, it would be very ill done 
if, when the king sends his letters about the nation, 
to pick him up the best feathers they can lay their 
hands on, they should send weak, decayed, or half- 
grown feathers, and yet sometimes it happens so ; 
and once there was such rotten feathers collected, 
whether it was a bad year for feathers, or whether 
the people that gathered them had a mind to abuse 
their king ; but the feathers were so bad, the en- 
gine was good for nothing, but broke before it was 
got half way ; and, by a double misfortune, this 
happened to be at an unlucky time, when the king 
himself had resolved on a voyage or flight to the 
moon ; but being deceived by the unhappy miscar- 
riage of the deficient feathers, he fell down from so 
great a height, that he struck himself against his 
own palace and beat his head off. 

Nor had the sons of this prince much better suc- 
cess, though the first of them was a prince mightily 
beloved by his subjects ; but his misfortunes chiefly 
proceeded from his having made use of one of the 
engines so very long, that the feathers were quite 
worn out, and good for nothing ; he used to make 
a great many voyages and flights into the moon, and 
then would make his subjects give him great sums 
of money to come down to them again ; and yet 
they were so fond of him, that they always complied 
with him, and would give him everything he asked, 
rather than to be without him: but they grew wiser 
since. 

At last this prince used his engine so long, it 
could hold together no longer ; and being obliged 
to write to his subjects to pick him out some new 
feathers, they did so ; but withal sent him such 
strong feathers, and so stiif, that when he had 



232 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

placed them in their proper places, and made a 
very beautiful engine, it was too heavy for him to 
manage: he made a great many essays at it, and had 
it placed on the top of an old idol chapel, dedicated 
to an old Brahmin saint of those countries, called, 
Phantosteinaschap ; in Latin, Chap, de Saint Ste- 
phaiio ; or in English, St. Stephen's. Here the 
prince tried all possible contrivances, and a vast 
deal of money it cost him ; but the feathers were so 
stiff, they would not work, and the fire within was so 
choked and smothered with its own smoke, for 
want of due vent and circulation, that it would not 
burn ; so he was obliged to take it down again ; 
and from thence he carried it to his college of 
Brahmin priests, and set it up in one of their public 
buildings : there he drew circles of ethics and po- 
litics, and fell to casting of figures and conjuring, 
but all would not do, the feathers could not be 
brought to move ; and indeed I have observed, 
that these engines are seldom helped by art and 
contrivance ; there is no way with them, but to 
have the people spoke to, to get good feathers ; and 
they are easily placed, and perform all the several 
motions with the greatest ease and accuracy im- 
aginable ; but it must be all nature ; anything of 
force distorts and dislocates them, and the whole 
order is spoiled ; and if there be but one feather 
out of place, or pinched, or stands wrong, the 

d 1 would not ride in the chariot. 

The prince thus finding his labour in vain, broke 
the engine to pieces, and sent his subjects word 
what bad feathers they had sent him : but the 
people, who knew it was his own want of manage- 
ment, and that the feathers were good enough, only 
a little stiff at first, and with good usage would have 
been brought to be fit for use, took it ill, and never 
would send him any other as long as he lived: 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 233 

however, it had this good effect upon him, that he 
never made any more voyages to the moon as long 
as he reigned. 

His brother succeeded him ; and truly he was 
resolved upon a voyage to the moon, as soon as 
ever he came to the crown. He had met with some 
unkind usage from the religious lunesses of his 
own country ; and he turned Abogratziarian, a 
zealous fiery sect, something like our Anti-every- 
body-arians in England. It is confessed some of the 
Brahmins of his country were very false to him, put 
him upon several ways of extending his power over 
his subjects, contrary to the customs of the people, 
and contrary to his own interest ; and when the 
people expressed their dislike of it, he thought to 
have been supported by those clergymen ; but they 
failed him, and made good that old English verse ; 
That priests of all religions are the same. 

He took this so heinously, that he conceived a just 
hatred against those that had deceived him ; and as 
resentments seldom keep rules, unhappily entertain- 
ed prejudices against all the rest ; and not finding 
it easy to bring all his designs to pass better, he 
resolved upon a voyage to the moon. 

Accordingly he sends a summons to all his people, 
according to custom, to collect the usual quantity of 
feathers for that purpose ; and because he would be 
sure not to be used as his brother and father had 
been, he took care to send certain cunning men, ex- 
press, all over the country, to bespeak the people's 
care in collecting, picking, and culling them out ; 
these were called in their language, Tsopablesdetoo ; 
which, being translated, may signify in English, Men 
of Zeal, or Booted Apostles : nor was this the only 
caution this prince used ; for he took care, as the 
feathers were sent up to him, to search and examine 



234 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

them one by one in his own closet, to see if they 
were fit for his purpose ; but, alas ! he found him- 
self in his brother's case exactly ; and perceived 
that his subjects were generally disgusted at his 
former conduct, about Abrogratzianism, and such 
things, and particularly set in a flame by some of 
their priests, called DuUobardians, or Passive- 
Obedience-men, who had lately turned their tale, 
and their tail too, upon their own princes ; and upon 
this, he laid aside any more thoughts of the engine, 
but took up a desperate and implacable resolution, 
viz. to fly up to the moon without it ; in order to 
this, abundance of his cunning men were summoned 
together to assist him, strange engines contrived 
and methods proposed ; and a great many came 
from all parts to furnish him with inventions and 
equivalent for their journey ; but all were so pre- 
posterous and ridiculous, that his subjects seeing 
him going on to ruin himself, and by consequence 
them too, unanimously took arms ; and if their 
prince had not made his escape into a foreign 
country, it is thought they would have secured him 
for a madman. 

And here it is observable, that as it is in most 
such cases, the mad councillors of this prince, when 
the people begun to gather about him, fled, and 
every one shifted for themselves ; nay, and some of 
them plundered him first of his jewels and treasure, 
and never were heard of since. 

From this prince none of the kings or govern- 
ment of that country have ever seemed to incline to 
the hazardous attempt of the voyage to the moon, 
at least not in such a hairbrained manner. 

However, the engine has been very accurately 
rebuilt and finished ; and the people are now 
obliged by a law, to send up new feathers every 
three years, to prevent the mischiefs which hap- 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 235 

pened by that prince aforesaid keeping one set so 
long that it was dangerous to venture with them ; 
and thus the engine is preserved fit for use. 

And yet has not this engine been without its 
continual disasters, and often out of repair ; for 
though the kings of the country, as has been noted, 
have done riding on the back of it, yet the restless 
courtiers and ministers of state have frequently ob- 
tained the management of it, from the too easy 
goodness of their masters, or the evils of the times. 

To cure this, the princes frequently changed 
hands, turned one set of men out and put another 
in ; but this made things still worse, for it divided 
the people into parties and factions in the state, and 
still the strife was, who should ride in this engine ; 
and no sooner were these Skaet-riders got into it, 
but they were for driving all the nation up to the 
moon : but of this by itself. 

Authors differ concerning the original of these 
feathers, and by what most exact hand they were 
first appointed to this particular use ; and as their 
original is hard to be found, so it seems a difficulty 
to resolve from what sort of bird these feathers are 
obtained : some have named one, some another ; 
but the most learned in those climates call • it by a 
hard word, which the printer having no letters to 
express, and being in that place hieroglyphical, i can 
translate no better than by the name of a Collective : 
this must be a strange bird without doubt ; it has 
heads, claws, eyes, and teeth innumerable; and if I 
should go about to describe it to you, the history 
would be so romantic, it would spoil the credit of 
these more authentic relations which are yet be- 
hind. 

It is sufficient, therefore, for the present, only to 
leave you this short abridgment of the story, as 
follows : this great monstrous bird, called the 



236 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

Collective, is very seldom seen, and indeed never 
but upon great revolutions, and portending terrible 
desolations and destructions to a country. 

But he frequently sheds his feathers, and they 
are carefully picked up by the proprietors of those 
lands where they fall ; for none but those proprie- 
tors may meddle with them ; and they no sooner 
pick them up but they are sent to court, where 
they obtain a new name, and are called in a word 
equally difficult to pronounce as the other, but very 
like our English word Representative ; and being 
placed in their proper rows, with the great feather 
in the centre, and fitted for use, they lately obtained 
the venerable title of the Consolidators ; and the 
machine itself, the Consolidator ; and by that name 
the reader is desired for the future to let it be 
dignified and distinguished. 

I cannot, however, forbear to descant a little 
here on the dignity and beauty of these feathers, 
being such as are hardly to be seen in any part of 
the world, but just in these remote climates. 

And first, every feather has various colours, and 
according to the variety of the weather, are apt to 
look brighter and clearer, or paler and fainter, as 
the sun happens to look on them with a stronger 
or weaker aspect. The quill or head of every 
feather is or ought to be full of a vigorous substance, 
which gives spirit, and supports the brightness and 
colour of the feather ; and as this is more or less in 
quantity, the bright colour of the feather is increas- 
ed, or turns languid and pale. 

It is true some of those quills are exceeding 
empty and dry ; and the humid being totally exhaled, 
those feathers grow very useless and insignificant in 
a short time. 

Some again are so full of wind, and puffed up with 
the vapour of the climate, that there is not humid 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 237 

enough to condense the steam ; and these are so 
fleet, so light, and so continually fluttering and 
troublesome, that they greatly serve to disturb and 
keep the motion unsteady. 

Others, either placed too near the inward con- 
cealed fire, or the head of the quill being thin, the 
fire causes too great a fermentation ; and the con- 
sequence of this is so fatal, that sometimes it mounts 
the engine up too fast, and endangers precipitation : 
but it is happily observed, that these ill feathers are 
but a very few, compared to the whole number ; at 
the most, I never heard they were above a hundred 
and thirty -four of the whole number : as for the 
empty ones, they are not very dangerous, but a sort 
of good-for-nothing feathers, that will fly when the 
greatest number of the rest fly, or stand still when 
they stand stilh The fluttering hotheaded feathers 
are the most dangerous, and frequently struggle 
hard to mount the engine to extravagant heights ; 
but still the greater number of the feathers being 
stanch, and well fixed, as well as well furnished, they 
always prevail, and check the disorders the other 
would bring upon the motion ; so that upon the 
whole matter, though there has sometimes been 
oblique motions, variations, and sometimes great 
wanderings out of the way, which may make the 
passage tedious, yet it has always been a certain 
and safe voyage ; and no engine was ever known to 
miscarry or overthrow, but that one mentioned be- 
fore, and that was very much owing to the precipi- 
tate methods the prince took in guiding it ; and 
though all the fault was laid in the feathers, and 
they were to blame enough, yet I never heard any 
wise man but what blamed his discretion ; and par- 
ticularly, a certain great man has wrote three large 
tracts of those affairs, and called them. The History 
of the Opposition of the Feathers : wherein, though 



238 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

it was expected he would have cursed the engine it- 
self and all the feathers to the devil, on the contrary, 
he lays equal blame on the prince, who guided the 
chariot with so unsteady a hand, now as much too 
slack, as then too hard, turning them this way and 
that so hastily that the feathers could not move in 
their proper order ; and this at last put the fire in 
the centre quite out, and so the engine overset at 
once. This impartiality has done great justice to the 
feathers, and set things in a clearer light : but of 
this I shall say more, when I come to treat of the 
works of the learned in this lunar world. 

This is hinted here only to inform the reader, 
that this engine is the safest passage that ever was 
found out ; and that, saving that one time, it never 
miscarried ; nor, if the common order of things be 
observed, cannot miscarry ; for the good feathers 
are always negatives when any precipitant motion 
is felt, and immediately suppress it by their num- 
ber ; and these negative feathers are indeed the 
traveller's safety : the other are always upon the 
flutter, and upon every occasion, hey for the moon, 
up in the clouds presently ; but these negative 
feathers are never for going up but when there is 
occasion for it ; and from hence these fluttering 
fermented feathers were called by the ancients 
high-flying feathers, and the blustering things 
seemed proud of the name. 

But to come to their general character, the 
feathers, speaking of them all together, are gene- 
rally very comely, strong, large, beautiful things, 
their quills or heads well fixed, and the cavities 
filled with a solid substantial matter, which, though 
it is full of spirit, has a great deal of temperament, 
and full of suitable well-disposed powers to the 
operation for which they are designed. 

These, placed, as I noted before, in an extended 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 239 

form like two great wings, and operated by that 
sublime flame, which, being concealed in proper 
receptacles, obtains its vent at the cavities ap- 
pointed, are supplied from thence with life and 
motion ; and as fire itself, in the opinion of some 
learned men, is nothing but motion, and motion 
tends to fire, it can no more be a wonder, if ex- 
alted in the centre of this famous engine, a whole 
nation should be carried up to the world in the 
moon. 

It is true this engine is frequently assaulted 
with fierce winds and furious storms, which some- 
times drive it a great way out of its way ; and in- 
deed, considering the length of the passage and the 
various regions it goes through, it would be strange 
if it should meet with no obstructions. These are 
oblique gales, and cannot be said to blow from any 
of the thirty-two points, but retrograde and thwart ; 
some of these are called in their language, Pen- 
sionazima, which is as much as to say, being inter- 
preted, a court-breeze ; another sort of wind, which 
generally blows directly contrary to the Pensiona- 
zima, is the Clamorio, or in English, a country-gale; 
this is generally tempestuous, full of gusts and dis- 
gusts, squalls and sudden blasts, not without claps 
of thunder, and not a little flashing of heat and 
party fires. 

There are a great many other internal blasts, which 
proceed from the fire within, which, sometimes not 
circulating right, breaks out in little gusts of wind 
and heat, and is apt to endanger setting fire to the 
feathers: and this is more or less dangerous ac- 
cording as among which of the feathers it happens; 
for some of the feathers are more apt to take fire 
than others, as their quills or heads are more or less 
full of that solid matter mentioned before. 

The engine suffers frequent convulsions and dis- 



240 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

orders from these several winds ; and which, if they 
chance to overblow very much, hinder the passage ; 
but the negative feathers always apply temper and 
moderation ; and this brings all to rights again. 

For a body like this, what can it not do ? what 
cannot such an extension perform in the air ? and 
when one thing is tacked to another, and properly 
consolidated into onemightyconsolidator, no question 
but whoever shall go up to the moon, will find him- 
self so improved in this wonderful experiment, that 
not a man ever performed that wonderful flight, but 
he certainly came back again as wise as he went. 

Well, gentlemen, and what if we are called high- 
fliers now, and a hundred names of contempt and 
distinction, what is this to the purpose ? who would 
not be a high-flier, to be tacked and consolidated 
in an engine of such sublime elevation, and which 
lifts men, monarchs, members, yea, and whole na- 
tions, up into the clouds ; and performs with such 
wondrous art, the long-expected experiment of a 
voyage to the moon? And thus much for the de- 
scription of the Consolidator. 

The first voyage I ever made to this country was 
in one of these engines, and I can safely affirm I 
never waked all the way ; and now, having been as 
often there as most that have used that trade, it may 
be expected I should give some account of the 
country ; for it appears I can give but little of the 
road. 

Only this I understand, that when this engine, by 
help of these artificial wings, has raised itself up to 
a certain height, the wings are as useful to keep it 
from falling into the moon, as they were before to 
raise it, and keep it from falling back into this re- 
gion again. 

This may happen from an alteration of centres, 
and gravity having passed a certain line, the equipoise 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 241 

changes its tendency; the magnetic quality being 
beyond it, it inclines of course, and pursues a centre, 
which it finds in the lunar world, and lands us safe 
upon the surface. 

I was told I need take no bills of exchange with 
me, nor letters of credit, for that upon my first ar- 
rival the inhabitants would be very civil to me ; 
that they never suffered any of our world to want 
anything when they came there; that they were 
very free to show them anything, and inform them 
in all needful cases ; and that whatever rarities the 
country afforded, should be exposed immediately. 

I shall not enter into the customs, geography, or 
history of the place, only acquaint the reader that 
I found no manner of difference in anything natural, 
except as hereafter excepted, but all was exactly as 
is here, an elementary world, peopled with folks as 
like us as if they were only inhabitants of the same 
continent, but in a remote climate. 

The inhabitants were men, women, beasts, birds, 
fishes, and insects, of the same individual species as 
ours, the latter excepted ; the men no wiser, better, 
nor bigger than here ; the women no handsomer or 
hon ester than ours ; there were knaves and honest 
men, honest women and whores, of all sorts, countries, 
nations, and kindreds, as on this side the skies. 

They had the same sun to shine, the planets were 
equally visible as to us, and their astrologers were 
as busily impertinent as ours ; only that those won- 
derful glasses, hinted before, made strange discoveries 
that we were unacquainted with. By them they 
could plainly discover that this world was their 
moon, and their world our moon ; and when I came 
first among them, the people that flocked about me 
distinguished me by the name of the Man that came 
out of the Moon. 

I cannot, however, but acquaint the reader with 

CONSOLIDATOR. R 



242 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

some remarks I made in this new world, before I 
come to any thing£historical. ^' !?4l 

I have heard that among the generality of our 
people, who, being not much addicted to revelation, 
have much concerned themselves about demonstra- 
tions, a generation have risen up, who, to solve the 
difficulties of supernatural systems, imagine a mighty 
vast something, who has no form but what represents 
him to them as one great eye. This infinite optic 
they imagine to be Natura Naturans, or power- 
forming ; and that as we pretend the soul of man 
has a similitudein quality to its original, accordingto 
a notion some people have, who read that so-much- 
ridiculed old legend, called Bible, that man was made 
in the image of his Maker : the soul of man, there- 
fore, in the opinion of these naturalists, is one vast 
optic power diffused through him into all his parts, 
but seated principally in his head. 

From hence they resolve all beings to eyes, some 
more capable of sight and receptive of objects than 
others; and as to things invisible, they reckon nothing 
so, only so far as our sight is deficient, contracted, or 
darkened by accidents from without, as distance of 
place, interposition of vapours, clouds, liquid air, ex- 
halations, &c. ; or from within, as wandering errors, 
wild notions, cloudy understandings, and empty 
fancies, with a thousand other interposing obstacles 
to the sight, which darken it, and prevent its opera- 
tion, and particularly obstruct the perceptive facul- 
ties, weaken the head, and bring mankind in gene- 
ral to stand in need of the spectacles of education 
as soon as ever they are born : nay, and as soon as 
they have made use of these artificial eyes, all they 
can do is but to clear the sight so far as to see that 
they can't see ; the utmost wisdom of mankind, and 
the highest improvement a man ought to wish for, 
being but to be able to see that he was born blind. 



THE CONSOLEDATOR. 243 

This pushes him upon search after mediums for the 
recovery of his sight, and away he runs to school to 
art and science, and there he is furnished with 
horoscopes, microscopes, telescopes, cceliscopes, 

money-scopes, and the d 1 and all of glasses, to 

help and assist his moon-blind understanding. These, 
with wonderful skill, and ages of application, after 
wandering through bogs and wildernesses of guess, 
conjectures, supposes, calculations, and he knows 
not what, which he meets with in physics, politics, 
ethics, astronomy, mathematics, and such sort of 
bewildering things, bring him with vast difficulty to 
a little, minute spot, called Demonstration ; and as 
not one in ten thousand ever finds the way thither, 
but are lost in the tiresome uncouth journey, so they 
that do, it is so long before they come there, that 
they are grown old and good for little in the journey ; 
and no sooner have they obtained a glimmering of 
this universal eyesight, this eclaircissement general, 
but they die, and have hardly time to show the way 
to those that come after. 

Now as the earnest search after this thing called 
demonstration filled me with desires of seeing every- 
thing, so my observations of the strange multitude of 
mysteries I met with in all men's actions here, 
spurred my curiosity to examine, if the great eye of 
the world had no people to whom he had given a 
clearer eyesight, or, at least, that made a better use 
of it than we had here. 

If, pursuing this search, I was much delighted at 
my arrival into China, it cannot be thought strange ; 
since there we find knowledge as much advanced 
beyond our common pitch, as it was pretended to 
be derived from a more ancient original. 

We are told, that in the early age of the world, 
the strength of invention exceeded all that ever has 
been arrived to since : that we, in these latter ages, 

r2 



244 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

having lost all that pristine strength of reason and 
invention, which died with the ancients in the Flood, 
and receiving no helps from that age, have by long 
search arrived at several remote parts of knowledge, 
bythehelpsof reading, conversation, and experience; 
but that all amounts to no more than faint imitations, 
apings, and resemblances of what was known in 
!4;hose masterly ages. 

Now if it be true, as is hinted before, that the 
Chinese empire was peopled long before the flood, 
and that they were not destroyed in the general 
deluge in the days of Noah ; it is no such strange 
thing that they should so much outdo us in this 
sort of eyesight we call general knowledge, since 
the perfections bestowed on nature, when in her 
youth and prime, met with no general suffocation by 
that calamity. 

But if I was extremely delighted with the extraor- 
dinary things I saw in those countries, you cannot 
but imagine I was exceedingly moved when I heard 
of a lunar world ; and that the way was passable 
from these parts. 

I had heard of a world in the moon among some 
of our learned philosophers, and Moore, as I have 
been told, had a moon in his head ; but none of the 
fine pretenders, no, not bishop Wilkins, ever found 
mechanic engines whose motion was sufficient to 
attempt the passage. A late happy author, indeed, 
among his mechanic operations of the spirit, had found 
out an enthusiasm, which if he could have pursued 
to its proper extreme, without doubt might either in 
the body, or out of the body, have landed him some- 
where hereabout; but that he formed his system 
wholly upon the mistaken notion of wind, which 
learned hypothesis being directly contrary to the 
nature of things in this climate, where the elasticity 
of the air is quite different, and where the pressure 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 245 

of the atmosphere has, for want of vapour, no force, 
all his notion dissolved in its native vapour called 
wind, and flew upward in blue streaks of a livid 
flame called blasphemy, which burnt up all the wit 
and fancy of the author, and left a strange stench 
behind it, that has this unhappy quality in it, that 
everybody that reads the book, smells the author, 
though he be never so far off; nay, though he took 
shipping to Dublin, to secure his friends from the 
least danger of a conjecture. 

But to return to the happy regions of the lunar 
continent ; I was no sooner landed there, and had 
looked about me, but I was surprised with the 
strange alteration of the climate and country ; and 
particularly a strange salubrity and fragrancy in the 
air, which I felt so nourishing, so pleasant and de- 
lightful, that though I could perceive some small 
respiration, it was hardly discernible, and the least 
requisite for life, supplied so long that the bellows 
of nature were hardly employed. 

But as I shall take occasion to consider this in a 
critical examination into the nature, uses, and ad- 
vantages of good lungs, of which by itself, so I think 
fit to confine my present observations to things more 
particularly concerning the eyesight. 

I was, you may be sure, not a little surprised, 
when being upon an eminence I found myself 
capable, by common observation, to see and distin- 
guish things at the distance of a hundred miles 
and more; and seeking some information on this 
point, I was acquainted by the people, that there 
was a certain grave philosopher hard by, that could 
give me a very good account of things. 

It is not worth while to tell you this man's lunar 
name, or whether he had a name or no; it is plain 
it was a man in the moon ; but all the conference I 
had with him was very strange. At my first coming 



246 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

to him, he asked me if I came from the world in 
the moon. I told him, no : at which he began to 
be angry; told me I lied; he knew whence 1 came 
as well as I did, for he saw me all the way. I told 
him I came to the world in the moon, and began to 
be as surly as he. It was a long time before we 
could agree about it ; he would have it that I came 
down from the moon ; and I, that I came up to the 
moon : from this, we came to explications, demon- 
strations, spheres, globes, regions, atmospheres, and 
a thousand odd diagrams, to make the thing out to 
one another. I insisted on my part, as that my ex- 
periment qualified me to know, and challenged him 
to go back with me to prove it. He, like a true 
philosopher, raised a thousand scruples, conjectures, 
and spherical problems, to confront me ; and as for 
demonstrations, he called them fancies of my own. 
Thus we differed a great many ways ; both of us 
were certain, and both uncertain ; both right, and 
yet both directly contrary : how to reconcile this 
jangle was very hard, till at last this demonstration 
happened ; the moon, as he called it, turning her 
blind side upon us three days after the change, by 
which, with the help of his extraordinary glasses, I, 
that knew the country, perceived that side the sun 
looked upon was all moon, and the other was all 
world ; and either I fancied I saw, or else really saw, 
all the lofty towers of the immense cities of China. 
Upon this, and a little more debate, we came to this 
conclusion, and there the old man and I agreed, 
that they were both moons and both worlds, this a 
moon to that, and that a moon to this, like the sun 
between two looking-glasses; and shone upon one 
another by reflection, according to the oblique or 
direct position of each other. 

This afforded us a great deal of pleasure, for all 
the world covet to be found in the right, and are 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 247 

pleased when their notions are acknowledged by 
their antagonists; it also afforded us many very 
useful speculations, such as these : — 

1. How easy it is for men to fall out, and yet all 
sides to be in the right. 

2. How natural it is for opinion to despise de- 
monstration. 

3. How proper mutual inquiry is to mutual satis- 
faction. 

From the observation of these glasses, we also 
drew some puns, crotchets, and conclusions. 

1st. That the whole world has a blind side, a 
dark side, and a bright side, and consequently so 
has everybody in it. 

2ndly. That the dark side of affairs to-day, may 
be the bright side to-morrow ; from whence abund- 
ance of useful morals were also raised ; such as, — 

1. No man's fate is so dark, but when the sun 
shines upon it, it will return its rays and shine for 
itself 

2. All things turn like the moon, up to-day, 
down to-morrow, full and change, flux and reflux. 

3. Human understanding is like the moon at the 
first quarter, half dark. 

3dly. The changing sides ought not to be thought 
so strange, or so much condemned by mankind, having 
its original from the lunar influence, and governed 
by the powerful operation of heavenly motion. 

4thly. If there be any such thing as destiny in 
the world, I know nothing man is so predestinated 
to, as to be eternally turning round ; and but that 
I purpose to entertain the reader with at least a 
whole chapter or section of the philosophy of human 
motion, spherically and hypercritically examined 
and calculated, I should enlarge upon that thought 
in this place. 

Having thus jumped in our opinions, and per- 



248 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

fectly satisfied ourselves with demonstration that 
these worlds were sisters, both in form, function, 
and all their capacities ; in short, a pair of moons, 
and a pair of worlds, equally magnetical, sympathe- 
tical, and influential ; we set up our rest as to that 
affair, and went forward. 

I desired no better acquaintance in my new 
travels than this new associate ; never was there 
such a couple of people met ; he was the man in 
the moon to me, and I the man in the moon to 
him ; he wrote down all I said, and made a book of 
it, and called it. News from the World in the Moon ; 
and all the town is like to see my minutes under the 
same title ; nay, and I have been told he published 
some such bold truths there, from the allegorical 
relations he had of me from our world, that he was 
called before the public authority, who could not 
bear the just reflections of his damned satirical way 
of writing ; and there they punished the poor man, 
put him in prison, ruined his family ; and not only 
fined him ultra tenementum, but exposed him in the 
high places of their capital city for the mob to 
laugh at him for a fool. This is a punishment not 
unlike our pillory, and was appointed for mean 
criminals, fellows that cheat and cozen people, 
forge writings, forswear themselves, and the like ; 
and the people, that it was expected would have 
treated this man very ill, on the contrary, pitied 
him, wished those that set him there placed in his 
room, and expressed their affections by loud shouts 
and acclamations when he was taken down. 

But as this happened before my next visit to that 
world, when I came there all was over with him, 
his particular enemies were disgraced and turned 
out, and the man was not at all the worse received 
by his country folks than he was before ; and so 
much for the man in the moon. 



THE CONSULLDATUR. 249 

After we had settled the debate between us, 
about the nature and quality, I desired him to show 
me some plan or draft of this new world of his ; 
upon which he brought me out a pair of very 
beautiful globes, and there I had an immediate 
geographical description of the place. 

I found it less by degrees than our terrestrial 

globe, but more land and less water ; and as I was 
particularly concerned to see something in or near 
the same climate with ourselves, I observed a large 
extended country to the north, about the latitude 
of oO to 56" northern distance ; and inquiring of 
that country, he told me it was one of the best 
countries in all their world : that it was his native 
climate, and he was just agoing to it, and would 
take me with him. 

He told me, in general, the country was good, 
wholesome, fruitful, rarely situate for trade, extra- 
ordinarily accommodated with harbours, rivers, and 
bays for shipping ; full of inhabitants, for it had 
been peopled from all parts, and had in it some of 
the blood of all the nations in the moon. 

He told me, as the inhabitants were the most 
numerous, so they were the strangest people that 
lived ; both their natures, tempers, qualities, ac- 
tions, and way of living, was made up of innumer- 
able contradictions ; that they were the wisest fools, 
and the foolishest wise men in the world ; the 
weakest strongest, richest poorest, most generous 
covetous, bold cowardlj^, false faithful, sober disso- 
lute, surly civil, slothful diligent, peaceable quar- 
relling, loyal seditious nation that ever was known. 

Besides my observations which I made myself, 
and which could only furnish me with what was 
present, and v.hich I shall take time to inform my 
reader with as much care and conciseness as pos- 



250 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

sible, I was beholding to this old lunarian for every- 
thing that was historical or particular. 

And first, he informed me that in this new 
country they had very seldom any clouds at all, and 
consequently no extraordinary storms, but a con- 
stant serenity; moderate breezes cooled the air, and 
constant evening exhalations kept the earth moist 
and fruitful ; and as the winds they had were 
various, and strong enough to assist their navigation, 
so they were without the terrors, dangers, ship- 
wrecks and destructions, which he knew we were 
troubled with in this our lunar world, as he called it. 

The first just observation I made of this was, 
that I supposed from hence the wonderful clearness 
of the air, and the advantage of so vast optic capa- 
cities they enjoyed, was obtained: Alas! says the 
old fellow, you see nothing to what some of our 
great eyes see in some parts of this world, nor do 
you see anything compared to what you may see by 
the help of some new invented glasses, of which I 
may in time let you see the experiment ; and per- 
haps you may find this to be the reason why we do 
not so abound in books as in your lunar world ; 
and that, except it be some extraordinary trans- 
lations out of your country, you will find but little 
in our libraries worth giving you a great deal of 
trouble. 

We immediately quitted the philosophical dis- 
course of winds, and I began to be mighty inquisi- 
tive after these glasses and translations, and — 

1st. I understood here was a strange sort of 
glass, that did not so much bring to the eye, as, by 
I know not what wonderful operation, carried out 
the eye to the object, and quite varies from all our 
doctrine of optics, by forming several strange phe- 
nomena in sight which we are utterly unacquainted 



V 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 251 

with ; nor /could vision, rarefication, or any of our 
schoolmen'k fine terms, stand me in any stead in 
this case7M)ut here was such additions of piercing 
organs, particles of transparence, emission, transmis- 
sion, mediums, contraction of rays, and a thousand 
applications of things prepared for the wondrous 
operation, that you may be sure are requisite for the 
bringing to pass something yet unheard of on this 
side the moon. 

First, we were informed by the help of these 
glasses, strange things, which pass in our world for 
nonentities, are to be seen, and very perceptible; for 
example : — 

State polity, in all its meanders, shifts, turns, 
tricks, and contraries, is so exactly delineated and 
described, that they are in hopes in time to draw a 
pair of globes out, to bring all those things to a cer- 
tainty. 

Not but that it made some puzzle, even among 
these clearsighted nations, to determine what 
figure the plans and drafts of this undiscovered 
world of mysteries ought to be described in. Some 
were of opinion, it ought to be an irregular centa- 
gon, a figure with a hundred cones or angles ; since 
the unaccountables of this state science are hid in 
a million of undiscovered corners, as the craft, 
subtilty, and hypocrisy of knaves and courtiers 
have concealed them, never to be found out but 

by this wonderful d Iscope, which seemed to 

threaten a perfect discovery of all those nudities, 
which have lain hid in the embryo, and false con- 
ceptions of abortive policy, ever since the founda- 
tion of the world. 

Some were of opinion this plan ought to be cir- 
cular, and in a globular form, since it was on all 
sides alike, full of dark spots, untrod mazes, waking 
mischiefs, and sleeping mysteries ; and, being de- 



252 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

lineated like the globes displayed, would discover 
all the lines of wickedness to the eye at one view : 
besides, they fancied some sort of analogy in the ro- 
tundity of the figure with the continued circular 
motion of all court policies in the stated round of 
universal knavery. 

Others would have had it hieroglyphical, as by a 
hand in hand, the form representing the affinity 
between state policy here and state policy in the 
infernal regions, with some unkind similes be- 
tween the economy of Satan's kingdom and those 
of most of the temporal powers on earth ; but 
this was thought too unkind. At last it was deter- 
mined that neither of these schemes were capable 
of the vast description, and that, therefore, the 
drafts must be made single, though not dividing the 
governments, yet dividing the arts of governing into 
proper distinct schemes, viz. — 

1. A particular plan of public faith ; and here we 
had the experiment immediately made : the repre- 
sentation is qualified for the meridian of any 
country, as well in our world as theirs ; and turning 
it towards our own world, there I saw plainly an 
exchequer shut up, and twenty thousand mourning 
families selling their coaches, horses, whores, equi- 
pages, &c., for bread, the government standing by 
laughing, and looking on : hard by I saw the 
chamber of a great city shut up, and forty thousand 
orphans turned adrift in the world ; some had no 
clothes, some no shoes, some no money ; and still 
the city magistrates calling upon other orphans to 
pay their money in. These things put me in mind 
of the prophet Ezekiel, and methought I heard the 
same voice that spoke to him, calling me, and 
telling me, Come hither^ and I ivill show thee 
greater abominations than these : so looking still ou 
that vast map, by the help of these magnifying- 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 253 

glasses, I saw huge fleets hired for transport service, 
but never paid ; vast taxes anticipated, that were 
never collected ; others collected and appropriated, 
but misapplied ; millions of tallies struck to be 
discounted, and the poor paying forty per cent, to 
receive their money. I saw huge quantities of 
money drawn in, and little or none issued out ; vast 
prizes taken from the enemy, and then taken away 
again at home by friends ; ships saved on the sea, 
and sunk in the prize offices ; merchants escaping 
from enemies at sea, and bepirated by sham em- 
bargoes, counterfeit claims, confiscations, &c., ashore : 
there we saw Turkey fleets taken into convoys, and 
guarded to the very mouth of the enemy, and then 
abandoned for their better security : here we saw 
Mons. Pouchartrain shutting up the town-house of 
Paris, and plundering the bank of Lyons. 

2. Here we saw the state of the war among 
nations ; here was the French giving sham thanks 
for victories they never got, and somebody else 
addressing and congratulating the sublime glory of 
running away ; here was Te Deum for sham victories 
by land, and there was thanksgiving for ditto by 
sea ; here we might see two armies fight, both run 
away, and both come and thank God for nothing. 
Here we saw a plan of a late war, like that in Ire- 
land ; there was all the officers cursing a Dutch 
general, because the damned rogue would fight 
and spoil a good war, that, with decent management 
and good husbandry, might have been eked out 
this twenty years ; there were whole armies hunting 
two cows to one Irishman, and driving of black 
cattle declared the noble end of the war. Here we 
saw a country full of stone walls and strong towns, 
where, every campaign, the trade of war was carried 
on by the soldiers with the same intriguing as it 
was carried on in the council-chambers : there was 



254 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

millions of contributions raised, and vast sums col- 
lected, but no taxes lessened ; whole plate-fleets 
surprised, but no treasure found ; vast sums lost by 
enemies, and yet never found by friends ; ships 
loaded with volatile silver, that came away full and 
got home empty ; whole voyages made to beat no- 
body, and plunder everybody ; two millions robbed 
from the honest merchants, and not a groat saved 
for the honest subjects. There we saw captains 
listing men with the government's money, and letting 
them go again for their own ; ships fitted out at the 
rate of two millions a year, to fight but once in 
three years, and then run away for want of powder 
and shot. 

There we saw partition treaties damned, and the 
whole given away, confederacies without allies, 
allies without quotas, princes without armies, armies 
without men, and men without money, crowns with- 
out kings, kings without subjects, more kings than 
countries, and more countries than were worth 
fighting for. 

Here we could see the king of France upbraiding 
his neighbours with dishonourably assisting his 
rebels, though the mischief was, they did it not 
neither ; and, in the same breath, assisting the 
Hungarian rebels against the emperor ; M. Ld. N. 
refusing so dishonourable an action as to aid the 
rebellious Camisars, but leaguing with the admirant 
de Castile to invade the dominions of his master, 
to whom he swore allegiance. Here we saw pro- 
testants fight against protestants, to help papists: 
papists against papists, to help protestants; pro- 
testants call in Turks, to keep faith against Christians 
that break it : here we could see Swedes fighting 
for revenge, and call it religion ; cardinals deposing 
their catholic prince, to introduce the tyranny of a 
Lutheran, and call it liberty; armies electing kings, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 255 

md call it free choice ; French conquering Savoy, 
secure the liberty of Italy. 

3. The map of state policy contains abundance 
►f civil transactions, nowhere to be discovered but 
n this wonderful country, and by this prodigious 
nvention : as first, it shows an eminent prelate 
■unning in everybody's debt to relieve the poor, 
ind bring to God robbery for burnt-offering : it 
)pens a door to the fate of nations : and there we 

night see the duke of S y bought three times, 

md his subjects sold every time ; Portugal bought 
wice, and neither time worth the earnest ; Spain 
Dought once, but loath to go with the bidder ; 
^"enice willing to be bought, if there had been any 
3uyers ; Bavaria bought, and run away with the 
noney ; the emperor bought and sold, but bilked 
;he chapman ; the French buying kingdoms he 
:annot keep, the Dutch keep kingdoms they never 
Dought ; and the English paying their money with- 
)ut purchase. 

In matters of civil concerns, here was to be seen 
religion with no outside, and much outside with 
QO religion ; much strife about peace, and no peace 
in the design : here was plunder without violence, 
violence without persecution, conscience without 
^ood works, and good works without charity ; 
parties cutting one another's throats for God's sake, 
pulling down churches de propaganda fide, and 
making divisions by way of association. 

Here we have peace and union brought to pass 
the shortest way; extirpation and destruction proved 
to be the road to plenty and pleasure : here all the 
wise nations a learned author would have quoted, 
if he could have found them, are to be seen, who 
carry on exclusive laws to the general safety and 
satisfaction of their subjects. 

Occasional bills may have here a particular his- 



256 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

torical, categorical description : but of them by 
themselves. 

Here you might have the rise, original, lawful- 
ness, usefulness, and necessity of passive obedience, 
as fairly represented as a system of divinity, and as 
clearly demonstrated as by a geographical descrip- 
tion ; and, which exceeds our mean understanding 
here, it is, by the wonderful assistance of these 
glasses, plainly discerned to be coherent with re- 
sistance, taking arms, calling in foreign powers, 
and the like. Here you have a plain discovery 
of C. of E. politics, and a map of loyalty : here it is 
as plainly demonstrated as the nose in a man's face, 
provided he has one, that a man may abdicate, 
drive away, and dethrone his prince, and yet be 
absolutely and entirely free from, and innocent of, 
the least fracture, breach, encroachment, or in- 
trenchment upon the doctrine of non-resistance: 
can shoot at his prince without any design to kill 
him, fight against him without raising rebellion, ' 
and take up arms, without levying war against his 
prince. 

Here they can persecute dissenters, without de- 
siring they should conform, — conform to the church 
they would overthrow, pray for the prince they 
dare not name, and name the prince they do not 
pray for. 

By the help of these glasses strange insights are 
made into the vast, mysterious, dark world of state 
policy ; but that which is yet more strange, and 
requires vast volumes to descend to the particulars 
of, and huge diagrams, spheres, charts, and a 
thousand nice things to display, is, that in this vast 
intelligent discovery, it is not only made plain that 
those things are so, but all the vast contradictions 
are made rational, reconciled to practice, and 
brought down to demonstration. 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 257 

German clockwork, the perpetual motions, the 
prim mobilies of our shortsighted world, are trifles 
to these nicer disquisitions. 

Here it would be plain and rational, why a par- 
liament-man will spend 5000Z. to be chosen, that 
cannot get a groat honestly by sitting there : it 
would be easily made out to be rational, why he 
that rails most at a court is soonest received into 
it : here it would be very plain, how great estates 
are got in little places, and double in none at all : 
it is easy to be proved honest and faithful to victual 
the French fleet out of English stores, and let our 
own navy want them. A long sight, or a large 
lunar perspective, will make all these things not 
only plain in fact, but rational and justifiable to all 
the world. 

It is a strange thing to anybody, without doubt, 
that has not been in that clearsighted region, to 
comprehend, that those we call high-fliers in Eng- 
land are the only friends to the dissenters, and 
have been the most diligent and faithful in their 
interest, of any people in the nation ; and yet so it 
is, gentlemen, and they ought to have the thanks of 
the whole body for it. 

In this advanced station, we see it plainly by re- 
flection, that the dissenters, like a parcel of knaves, 
have retained all the high- churchmen in their pay ; 
they are certainly all in their pension -roll : indeed, 
I could not see the money paid them there, it was 
too remote ; but I could plainly see the thing ; all 
the deep lines of the project are laid as true, they 
are so tacked and consolidated together, that if any 
one will give themselves leave to consider, they will 
be most effectually convinced that the high church 
and the dissenters here, are all in a cabal, a mere 
knot, a piece of clockwork ; the dissenters are the 
dial-plate, and the high church the movement, 

CONSOLIDATOR. S 



258 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

the wheel within the wheels, the spring and the 
screw to bring all things to motion, and make the 
hand on the dial-plate point which way the dissen- 
ters please. 

For what else have been all the shams they have 
put upon the governments, kings, states, and people 
they have been concerned with ? what schemes 
have they laid on purpose to be broken ? what vast 
contrivances, on purpose to be ridiculed and ex- 
posed ? The men are not fools, they had never 

V d to consolidate a b , but that they were 

willing to save the dissenters, and put it into a pos- 
ture in which they were sure it would miscarry. 
I defy all the wise men of the moon to show an- 
other good reason for it. 

Methinks I begin to pity my brethren, the 
moderate men of the church, that they cannot see 
into this new plot, and to wish they would but get 
up into our Consolidator, and take a journey to the 
moon, and there, by the help of these glasses, they 
would see the allegorical, symbolical, heterodoxical- 
ity of all this matter ; it would make immediate 
converts of them ; they would see plainly, that to 
tack and consolidate, to make exclusive laws, to 
persecute for conscience, disturb, and distress par- 
ties ; these are all fanatic plots, mere combina- 
tions against the church, to bring her into contempt, 
and to fix and establish the dissenters to the end of 
the chapter : but of this I shall find occasion to 
speak occasionally, when an occasion presents itself 
to examine a certain occasional bill, transacting in 
these lunar regions, some time before I had the 
happiness to arrive there. 

In examining the multitude and variety of these 
most admirable glasses for the assisting the optics, 
or indeed the formation of a new perceptive faculty, 
it was, you may be sure, most surprising, to find 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 259 

there that art had exceeded nature ; and the power 
of vision was assisted to that prodigious degree, as 
even to distinguish nonentity itself; and in these 
strange engines of light it could not but be very 
pleasing, to distinguish plainly betwixt being and 
matter, and to come to a determination in the so- 
iong-canvassed dispute of substance, vel materialise 
^ el spiritualise and I can solidly affirm, that in all our 
contention between entity and nonentity, there is 
30 little worth meddling with, that had we had 
these glasses some ages ago, we should have left 
troubling our heads with it. 

I take upon me, therefore, to assure my reader, 
that whoever pleases to take a journey, or voyage, 
yc flight, up to these lunar regions, as soon as ever 
ae comes ashore there, will presently be con- 
^'inced of the reasonableness of immateritil substance, 
and the immortality, as well as immateriality of the 
bOul : he v/jU no sooner look into these explicating 
glasses, but he will be able to know the separate 
meaning of body, soul, spirit, life, motion, death, 
and a thousand things that wise men puzzle them- 
selves about here, because they are not fools enough 
to understand. 

Here, too, I find glasses for the second sight, as 
3ur old women call it. This second sight has been 
aften pretended to in our regions, and some famous 
old wives have told us they can see death, the soul, 
futurity, and the neighbourhood of them, in the 
countenance. By this wonderful art, these good 
people unfold strange mysteries, as under some irre- 
coverable disease, to foretell death ; under hypocon- 
Iriac melancholy, to presage trouble of mind ; in 
pining youth, to predict contagious love ; and a 
tiundred other infallibilities, which never fail to be 
irue as soon as ever they come to pass, and are all 
grounded upon the same infallibility by which a 

s 2 



260 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

shepherd may always know when anyone of his sheep 
is rotten, viz., when he shakes himself to pieces. 

But all this guess and uncertainty is a trifle to 
the vast discoveries of these explicatory optic 
glasses : for here are seen the nature and conse- 
quences of secret mysteries : here are read strange 
mysteries relating to predestination, eternal decrees, 
and the like : here it is plainly proved, that pre- 
destination is, in spite of all enthusiastic preten- 
ces, so entirely committed into man's power, that 
whoever pleases to hang himself to-day, won't live 
till to-morrow ; no, though forty predestination 
prophets were to tell him, his time was not yet 
come. These abstruse points are commonly and 
solemnly discussed here ; and these people are 
such heretics, that they say God's decrees are all 
subservient to the means of his providence ; that 
what we call providence is a subjecting all things to 
the great chain of causes and consequences, by 
which that one grand decree, that all effects shall 
obey, without reserve, to their proper moving causes, 
supersedes all subsequent doctrines, or pretended 
decrees, or predestination in the world : that by 
this rule, he that will kill himself, God, nature, 
providence, or decree, will not be concerned to 
hinder him, but he shall die ; any decrees, pre- 
destination, or foreknowledge of infinite power to 
the contrary in any wise notwithstanding ; that it 
is in a man's power to throw himself into the water, 
and be drowned ; and to kill another man, and he 
shall die ; and to say, God appointed it, is to make 
him the author of murder, and to injure the 
murderer, in putting him to death for what he could 
not help doing. 

All these things are received truths here, and no 
doubt would be so everywhere else, if the eyes of 
reason were opened to the testimony of nature, or 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 261 

if they had the helps of these most incomparable 
glasses. 

Some pretended, by the help of these second- 
sight glasses, to see the common periods of life ; 
and others said they could see a great way beyond 
the leap in the dark : I confess, all I could see of 
the first was, that holding up the glass against the 
sea, I plainly saw, as it were on the edge of the 
horizon, these words : 

The verge of life and death is here. 

'Tis best to know where 'tis, but not how far. 

As to seeing beyond death, all the glasses I 
looked into for that purpose, made but little of it ; 
and these were the only tubes that I found defective ; 
for here I could discern nothing but clouds, mists, 
and thick, dark, hazy weather ; but revolving in my 
mind, that I had read a certain book in our own 
country, called Nature, it presently occurred, that 
the conclusion of it, to all such as gave themselves 
the trouble of making out those foolish things called 
inferences, was always, Look up ; upon which, turn- 
ing one of their glasses up, and erecting the point 
of it towards the zenith, I saw these words in the 
air, REVELATION, in large capital letters. 

I had like to have raised the mob upon me for 
looking upright with this glass ; for this, they said, 
was prying into the mysteries of the great eye 
of the world ; that we ought to inquire no further 
than he has informed us, and to believe what he 
had left us more obscure : upon this, I laid down 
the glasses, and concluded, that we had Moses and 
the prophets, and should be never the likelier to be 
taught by one come from the moon. 

In short, I found, indeed, they had a great deal 
more knowledge of things than we in this world ; 
and that nature, science, and reason, had obtained 



262 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

great improvements in the lunar world ; but as to 
religion, it was the same, equally resigned to and 
concluded in faith and redemption ; so I shall give 
the world no great information of these things. 

I come next to some other strange acquirements 
obtained by the helps of these glasses ; and parti- 
cularly for the discerning the imperceptibles of 
nature; such as, the soul, thought, honesty, reli- 
gion, virginity, and a hundred other nice things, 
too small for human discerning. • 

The discoveries made by these glasses, as to the 
soul, are of a very diverting variety ; some hiero- 
glyphical and emblematical, and some demonstra- 
tive. 

The hieroglyphical discoveries of the soul make 
it appear in the image of its Maker ; and the analogy 
is remarkable, even in the very simile ; for as they 
represent the original of nature as one great eye, 
illuminating as well as discerning all things ; so the 
soul, in its allegorical, or hieroglyphical resemblance, 
appears as a great eye, embracing the man, envel- 
oping, operating, and informing every part ; from 
whence those sort of people who we falsely call poli- 
ticians, aifecting so much to put out this great eye, 
J by acting against their common understandings, are 
I'S ' very aptly represented by a great eye with six or 
seven pair of spectacles on ; not but that the eye of 
their souls may be clear enough of itself, as to the 
common understanding ; but that they happen to 
have occasion to look sometimes so many ways at 
once, and to judge, conclude, and understand so 
many contrary ways upon one and the same thing, 
that they are fain to put double glasses upon their 
understanding, as we look at the solar eclipses, to 
represent them in different lights, lest their judg- 
ments should not be wheedled into a compliance 
with the hellish resolutions of their wills ; and this 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 263 

is what I call the emblematic representation of the 
soul. 

As for the demonstrations of the soul's existence, 
it is a plain case, by these explicative glasses, that 
it is : some have pretended to give us the parts ; and 
we have heard of chirurgeons that could read an 
anatomical lecture on the parts of the -soul ; and 
these pretend it to be a creature in form, whether 
chameleon or salamander, authors have not deter- 
mined ; nor is it completely discovered when it 
comes into the body, or how it goes out, or where 
its locality or habitation is, while it is a resident. 

But they very aptly show it, like a prince in his 
seat, in the middle of his palace the brain, issuing 
out his incessant orders to innumerable troops of 
nerves, sinews, muscles, tendons, veins, arteries, 
fibres, capilarii, and useful officers, called organici, 
who faithfully execute all the parts of sensation, 
locomotion, concoction, &c. ; and in the hundred 
thousandth part of a moment, return with particular 
messages for information, and demand new instruc- 
tions. If any part of his kingdom, the body, suffers 
a depredation, or an invasion of the enemy, the ex- 
presses fly to the seat of the soul, the brain, and 
immediately are ordered back to smart, that the 
body may of course send more messengers to com- 
plain ; immediately, other expresses are despatched 
to the tongue, with orders to cry out, that the 
neighbours may come in and help, or friends send 
for the chirurgeon. Upon the application, and a 
cure, all is quiet, and the same expresses are de- 
spatched to the tongue to be hush, and say no more 
of it till further orders. All this is as plain to be 
seen in these engines, as the moon of our world 
from the world in the moon. 

As the being, nature, and situation of human soul 
is thus spherically and mathematically discovered, 



264 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

I could not find any second thoughts about it in all 
their books, whether of their own composition or by 
translation ; for it was a general received notion, 
that there could not be a greater absurdity in 
human knowledge, than to employ the thoughts in 
questioning what is as plainly known by its conse- 
quences as if seen with the eye ; and that to 
doubt the being or extent of the soul's operation, is 
to employ her against herself; and therefore, when 
I began to argue with my old philosopher, against 
the immateriality and immortality of this mystery we 
call soul, he laughed at me, and told me, he found 
we had none of their glasses in our world ; and bid 
me send all our sceptics, soul-sleepers, uor Cowards, 
Bakers, Kings and Bakewells, up to him into the 
moon, if they wanted demonstrations ; where, by 
the help of their engines, they would make it plain 
to them that the great eye being one vast intellect, 
infinite and eternal, all inferior life is a degree of 
himself, and as exactly represents him as one little 
flame the whole mass of fire ; that it is therefore 
incapable of dissolution, being like its original in 
duration, as well as in its powers and faculties, but 
that it goes and returns by emission, regression, as 
the great eye governs and determines ; and this 
was plainly made out by the figure I had seen it in, 
viz., an eye, the exact image of its Maker : it is true, 
it was darkned by ignorance, folly and crime, and 
therefore obliged to wear spectacles ; but though 
these were defects or interruptions in its operation, 
they were none in its nature ; which, as it had its 
immediate efflux from the great eye, its return to 
him must partake of himself, and could not but be 
of a quality uncomeatable, by casualty or death. 

From this discourse we the more willingly ad- 
journed our present thoughts, I being clearly con- 
vinced of the matter ; and as for our learned doc- 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 265 

tors, with their second and third thoughts, I told 
him I would recommend them to the man in the 
moon for their further illumination, which if they 
refused to accept, it was but just they should remain 
in a wood, where they are, and are like to be, puz- 
zling themselves about demonstrations, squaring of 
circles, aud converting oblique into right angles, to 
bring out a mathematical clockwork soul, that will 
go till the weight is down, and then stand still till 
they know not who must wind it up again. 

However, I cannot pass over a very strange and /g 
extraordinary piece of art which this old gentleman ^ 
informed me of, and that was an engine to screw a 
man into himself: perhaps our countrymen may be 
at some difficulty to comprehend these things by my 
dull description ; and to such, I cannot but recom- 
mend a journey in my engine to the moon. 

This machine that I am speaking of, contains a 
multitude of strange springs and screws, and a man 
that puts himself into it, is very insensibly carried 
into vast speculations, reflections, and regular de- 
bates with himself They have a very hard name 
for it in those parts ; but if I were to give it an 
English name, it should be called, the Cogitator, or "jC^ 
the chair of reflection. 

And first, the person that is seated here feels 
some pain in passing some negative Springs, that 
are wound up, effectually to shut out all injectmg, dis- 
turbing thoughts, and the better to prepare him for 
the operation that is to follow : and this is without 
doubt a very rational way ; for when a man can ab- 
solutely shut out all manner of thinking, but what 
he is upon, he shall think the more intensely upon 
the one object before him. 

This operation past, here are certain ^screws that 
draw direct lines from every angle of the engine to 
the brain of the man, and, at the same time, other 



266 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

direct lines to his eyes ; at the other end of which 
lines, there are glasses which convey or reflect the 
objects the person is desirous to think upon. 

Then the main Vhee ls'are turned, which wind up 
according to their several offices ; this the memory, 
that the understanding, a third the will, a fourth 
the thinking faculty ; and these being put all into 
regular motions, pointed by direct lines to their 
proper objects, and perfectly uninterrupted by the 
intervention of whimsey, chimera, and a thousand 
fluttering demons that gender in the fancy, but are 
effectually locked out as before, assist one another 
to receive right notions, and form just ideas of the 
things they are directed to ; and from thence the 
man is empowered to make right conclusions, to 
think and act like himself, suitable to the sublime 
qualities his soul was originally blest with. 

There never was a man went into one of these 
thinking engines, but he came wiser out than he 
was before ; and I am persuaded it would be a 
more effectual cure to our deism, atheism, scep- 
ticism, and all other seisms, than ever the Italian's 
engine for curing the gout by cutting off the toe. 

This is a most wonderful engine, and performs 
admirably, and my author gave me extraordinary 
accounts of the good effects of it ; and I cannot but 
tell my reader, that our sublunar world suffers mil- 
lions of inconveniences for want of this thinking 
engine : I have had a great many projects in my 
head, how to bring our people to regular thinking, 
but it is in vain without this engine ; and how to 
get the model of it I know not ; how to screw up 
the will, the understanding, and the rest of the 
powers ; how to bring the eye, the thought, the 
fancy and the memory, into mathematical order, 
^and obedient to mechanic operation. Help Boyle, 
Norris, Newton, Manton, Hammond, Tillotson, and 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 267 

all the learned race! Help philosopliy, divinity, phy- -. 
sics, economics ! All is in vain, a mechanic chair of[ ) 
reflection is the only remedy that ever I found in 
my life for this work. ^ 

As to the effects of mathematical thinking, what 
volumes might be writ of it will more easily appear, 
if we consider the wondrous usefulness of this en- 
gine in all human affairs ; as of war, peace, justice, 
injuries, passion, love, marriage, trade, policy, and 
religion. 

When a man has been screwed into himself, and 
brought by this art to a regularity of thought, he 
never commits any absurdity after it ; his actions 
are squared by the same lines, for action is but the^ 
consequence of thinking ; and he that acts beforej 
he thinks, sets human nature with the bottom up- 
ward. 

M. would never have made his speech, nor the 

famous B ly wrote a book, if ever they had been 

in this thinking engine : one would have never told 
us of nations he never saw, nor the other told us 
he had seen a great many and was never the wiser. 

H. had never ruined his family to marry whore, 
thief, and beggar-woman, in one salliant lady, after 
having been told so honestly and so often of it by 
the very woman herself 

Our late unhappy monarch had never trusted the 
English clergy, when they preached up that non- 
resistance, which he must needs see they could, 
never practise : had his majesty been screwed up 
into this Cogitator, he had presently reflected that it 
was against nature to expect they should stand still 
and let him tread upon them ; that they should, 
whatever they had preached or pretended to, hold 
open their throats to have them be cut, and tie their 
own hands from resisting the Lord's anointed. 

Had some of our clergy been screwed in this en- 



268 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

gine, they had never turned martyrs for their 
allegiance to the late king, only for the lechery of 
having Dr. S in their company. 

Had our merchants been managed in this engine, 
they had never trusted their Turkey fleet with a 
famous squadron, that took a great deal of care to 
convoy them safe into the enemy's hands. 

Had some people been in this engine, when they 
had made a certain league in the world, in order to 
make amends for a better made before, they would 
certainly have considered further, before they had 
embarked with a nation that are neither fit to go 
abroad nor stay at home. 

As for the thinking practised in noble speeches, 
occasional bills, addressings about prerogative, 
convocation disputes, turnings in and turnings out 
at ours and all the courts of Christendom, I have 
nothing to say to it. 

Had the duke of Bavaria been in our engine, he 
would never have begun a quarrel which he knew 
all the powers of Europe were concerned to sup- 
press, and lay all other business down till it was 
done. 

Had the elector of Saxony passed the operation of 
this engine, he would never have beggared a rich 
electorate to ruin a beggared crown, nor sold him- 
self for a kingdom hardly worth any man's taking : 
he would never have made himself less than he 
was, in hopes of being really no greater ; and stept 
down from a protestant duke, and imperial elector, 
to be a nominal mock-king with a shadow of power, 
and a name without honour, dignity, or strength. 

Had Mons. Tallard been in our engine, he would 
not only not have attacked the confederates when 
they passed the morass and rivulet in his front, but 
not have attacked them at all, nor have suffered 
them to have attacked him, it being his business 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 269 

not to have fought at all, but have lingered out 
the war till the duke of Savoy having been 
reduced, the confederate army must have been 
forced to have divided themselves of course, in 
order to defend their own. 

Some that have been very forward to have us 
proceed the shortest way with the Scots, may be said 
to stand in great need of this chair of reflection, to 
find out a just cause for such a war, and to make a 
neighbour nation making themselves secure, a suf- 
ficient reason for another neighbour nation to fall 
upon them : our engine would presently show it 
them in a clear sight, by way of parallel, that it is 
just with the same right as a man may break open a 
house because the people bar and bolt the windows. 

If somebody has changed hands there from bad 
to worse, and opened instead of closing differences 
in those cases, the Cogitator might have brought 
them, by more regular thinking, to have known 
that was not at all the method of bringing the 
S — • — s to reason. 

Our Cogitator would be a very necessary thing to 
show some people that poverty and weakness is not 
a sufficient ground to oppress a nation, and their 
having but little trade cannot be a sufficient ground 
to equip fleets to take away what they have. 

I cannot deny that I have often thought they 
have had something of this engine in our neigh- 
bouring ancient kingdom, since no man, however 
we pretend to be angry, but will own they are in 
the right of it, as to themselves, to vote and procure 
bills for their own security, and not to do as others 
demand, without conditions fit to be accepted : but 
of that by itself 

There are abundance of people in our world, of 
all sorts and conditions, that stand in need of our 
thinking engines, and to be screwed into themselves 



270 THE CONSOLIDATOE. 

a little, that they might think as directly as they 
speak absurdly : but of these also in a class by itself. 

This engine has a great deal of philosophy in it ; 
and particularly, it is a wonderful remedy against 
poring ; and as it was said of Mons. Jurieu at 
Amsterdam, that he used to lose himself in himself; 
by the assistance of this piece of regularity, a man 
is most effectually secured against bewildering 
thoughts, and, by direct thinking, he prevents all 
manner of dangerous wandering, since nothing can 
come to more speedy conclusions than that which 
in right lines points to the proper subject of debate. 

All sorts of confusion of thoughts are perfectly 
avoided and prevented in this case, and a man is 
never troubled with spleen, hippo, or mute madness, 
when once he has been thus under the operation of 
the screw : it prevents abundance of capital disas- 
ters in men, in private affairs ; it prevents hasty 
marriages, rash vows, duels, quarrels, suits at law, 
and most sorts of repentance. In the state, it saves 
a government from many inconveniences ; it checks 
immoderate ambition, stops wars, navies, and ex- 
peditions ; especially, it prevents members making 
long speeches when they have nothing to say ; it 
keeps back rebellions, insurrections, clashings of 
houses, occasional bills, tacking, &c. 

It has a wonderful property in our affairs at sea, 
and has prevented many a bloody fight, in which a 
great many honest men might have lost their lives 
that are now useful fellows, and help to man and 
manage her majesty's navy. 

What if some people are apt to charge cowardice 
upon some people in those cases ? It is plain that 
cannot be it, for he that dare incur the resentment 
of the English mob, shows more courage than would 
be able to carry him through forty seafights. 

It is therefore for want of being in this engine. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 271 

that we censure people, because they don't be 
knocking one another on the head, like the people 
at the bear-garden ; where, if they do not see the 
blood run about, they always cry out, A cheat ; and 
the poor fellows are fain to cut one another, that 
they may not be pulled to pieces ; where the case 
is plain, they are bold for fear, and pull up courage 
enough to fight, because they are afraid of the people. 

This engine prevents all sorts of lunacies, love- 
frenzies, and melancholy madness; for, preserving 
the thought in right lines to direct objects, it is im- 
possible any deliriums, whimseys, or fluttering air 
of ideas, can interrupt the man; he can never be 
mad: for which reason I cannot but recommend it to 

my lord S , my lord N , and my lord H , 

as absolutely necessary to defend them from the 
state-madness which for some ages has possessed 
their families, and which runs too much in the 
blood. 

It is also an excellent introduction to thought, 
and therefore very well adapted to those people 
whose peculiar talent and praise is, that they never 

think at all. Of these, if his grace of B d would 

please to accept advice from the man in the moon, 
it should be to put himself into this engine, as a 
sovereign cure to the known disease called the 
Thoughtless Evil. 

But above all, it is an excellent remedy, and very 
useful, to a sort of people who are always travailing 1 
in thought, but never delivered into action ; who_J 
are so exceeding busy at thinking, they have no 
leisure for action ; of whom the late poet sung well 
to the purpose : 

Some modern coxcombs, who 



Retire to think, "cause they have nought to do 



272 THE CON SOLID ATOR. 

For thoughts were giv'n for action's government, 
Where action ceases, thought's impertinent : 
The sphere of action is life's happiness. 
And he that thinks beyond, thinks Hke an ass. 

RocHEST. Poems, p. 9. 

These gentlemen would make excellent use of this 
engine, for it would teach them to despatch one 
thing before they begin another ; and therefore is 

of singular use to honest S , whose peculiar it 

was, to be always beginning projects but never finish 
any. 

The variety of this engine, its uses, and improve- 
ments, are innumerable, and the reader must not 
expect I can give anything like a perfect description 
of it. 

There are yet another sort of machine, which I 
never obtained a sight of till the last voyage I 
made to this lunar orb, and these are called Ele- 
vators : the mechanic operations of these are won- 
derful, and helped by fire ; by which the senses are 
raised to all the strange extremes we can imagine, 
and whereby the intelligent soul is made to converse 
with its own species, whether embodied or not. 

Those that are raised to a due pitch in this won- 
drous frame, have a clear prospect into the world of 
spirits, and converse with visions, guardian angels, 
spirits departed, and what not: and as this is a won- 
derful knowledge, and not to be obtained but by 
the help of this fire, so those that have tried the 
experiment, give strange accounts of sympathy, 
pre-existence of souls, dreams, and the like. 

I confess I always believed a converse of spirits, 
and have heard of some who have experienced so 
much of it as they could obtain upon nobody else 
to believe. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 273 

I never saw any reason to doubt the existent 
state of the spirit before embodied, any more than 
I did of its immortality after it shall be uncased; 
and the scriptures saying, the spirit returns to God 
that gave it, implies 'a coming from,' or how could 
it be called 'a return.' 

Nor can I see a reason why embodying a spirit 
should altogether interrupt its converse with the 
world of spirits from whence it was taken ; and to 
what else shall we ascribe guardian-angels, in which 
the scripture is also plain ? and from whence come 
secret notices, impulse of thought, pressing urgen- 
cies of inclination, to or from this or that altogether 
involuntary, but from some waking kind assistant 
wandering spirit, which gives secret hints to its 
fellow- creature, of some approaching evil or good, 
which it was not able to foresee ? 

For spirits without the helps of voice converse. 

L I know we have supplied much of this with en- 
thusiasm and conceited revelation ; but the people 
of this world convince us that it may be all natural, 
by obtaining it in a mechanic way, viz., by forming 
something suitable to the sublime nature, which 
working by art, shall only rectify the more vigorous 
particles of the soul, and work it up to a suitable 
elevation.]. This engine is whoUy applied to the 
head, and works by injection ; the chief influence 
being on what we call fancy, or imagination, Avhich 
by the heat of strong ideas, is fermented to a strange 
height, and is thus brought to see. backward and 
forward every way, beyond itself il_by this a man 
fancies himself in the moon, and realizes things 
there as distinctly as if he M-as actually talking to 
my old philosopherj 

This indeed is an admirable engine, it is composed 
of a hundred thousand rational consequences, fixe 

CONSOLIDATOR. T 



274 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

times the number of conjectures, supposes, and pro- 
babilities, besides an innumerable company of flut- 
tering suggestions and injections, which hover round 
the imagination, and are all taken in as fast as they 
can be concocted and digested there : these are 
formed into ideas, and some of those so well put to- 
gether, so exactly shaped, so well dressed and set out 
by the additional fire of fancy, that it is no un- 
common thing for the person to be entirely deceived 
by himself, not knowing the brat of his own begetting, 
nor be able to distinguish between reality and repre- 
sentation : from hence we have some people talking 
to images of their own forming, and seeing more 
devils and spectres than ever appeared : from hence 
we have weaker heads not able to bear the opera- 
tion, seeing imperfect visions, as of horses and men 
without heads or arms, light without fire, hearing 
voices without sound, and noises without shapes, as 
their own fears or fancies broke the phenomena be- 
fore the entire formation. 

But the more genuine and perfect use of these 
vast elevations of the fancy, which are performed, 
as I said, by the mechanic operation of innate fire, 
is to guide mankind to as much foresight of things, 
as either by nature, or by the aid of anything ex- 
tranatural, may be obtained ; and by this exceeding 
knowledge, a man shall forebode to himself approach- 
ing evil or good, so as to avoid this, or be in the 
way of that ; and what if I should say, that the 
notices of these things are not only frequent, but 
constant, and require nothing of us, but to make 
use of this elevator, to keep our eyes, our ears, and 
our fancies open to the hints ; and observe them. 

You may suppose me,? if you please, come by this 
time into those northern kingdoms I mentioned 
before, where my old philosopher was a native, and 
not to trouble you with any of the needful observa- 



THE CONSOLIDATOK. 2/0 

tions, learned inscriptions, &c., on the way, accor- 
ding to the laudable practices of the famous Mr. 

Br mly, it is sufficient to tell you I found there 

an opulent, populous, potent, and terrible people. 

I found them at war with one of the greatest 
monarchs of the lunar world, and at the same time 
miserably rent and torn, mangled and disordered 
among themselves. 

As soon as I observed the political posture of 
their affairs (for here a man sees things mighty 
soon, by the helps of such a masterly eyesight as I 
have mentioned), and remembering what is said for 
our instruction, that a kingdom divided against it- 
self cannot stand ; I asked the old gentleman if he 
had any estate in that country ? He told me, no 
great matter ; but asked me why I put that question 
to him ? Because, said I, if this people go on fighting 
and snarling at all the world, and one among another 
in this manner, they will certainly be ruined and 
undone, either subdued by some more powerful 
neighbour ; whilst one party will stand still and see 
the other's throat cut, though their own turn imme- 
diately follows, or else they will destroy and devour 
one another. Therefore I told him I would have 
him turn his estate into money, and go somewhere 
else ; or go back to the other world with me. 

No, no, replied the old man, I am in no such 
fear at this time, the scale of affairs is very lately 
changed here, says he ; in but a very few years. 

I know nothing of that, said I, but I am sure there 
never was but one spot of ground in that world 
which I came from, that was divided like them, and 
that's that very country I lived in. Here are three 
kingdoms of you in one spot, said I, one has already 
been conquered and subdued ; the other suppressed 
its native inhabitants, and planted it with her own, 
and now carries it with so high a hand over them 

t2 



276 THE CONSOLIDATOE. 

of her own breed, that she limits their trade, stops 
their ports ; when the inhabitants have made their 
manufactures, these wont give them leave to send 
them abroad, impose laws upon them, refuse to alter 
and amend those they would make for themselves, 
make them pay customs, excises, and taxes, and yet 
pay the garrisons and guards that defend them, 
themselves ; press their inhabitants to their fleets, 
and carry away their old veteran troops that should 
defend them, and leave them to raise more to be 
served in the same manner ; will let none of their 
money be carried over thither, nor let them coin 
any of their own ; and a great many such hardships 
they suffer under the hand of this nation, as mere 
slaves and conquered people, though the greatest 
part of the traders are the people of the very nation 
that treats them thus. 

On the other hand, this creates eternal murmurs, 
heart-burnings, and regret, both in the natives and 
the transplanted inhabitants ; the first have shown 
their uneasiness by frequent insurrections and re- 
bellions, for nature prompts the meanest animal to 
struggle for liberty ; and these struggles have often 
been attended with great cruelty, ravages, death, 
massacres, and ruin both of families and the country 
itself: as to the transplanted inhabitants, they run 
into clandestine trade, into corresponding with their 
masters' enemies; victualling their navies, colonies, 
and the like; receiving and importing their goods 
in spite of all the orders and directions to the 
contrary. 

These are the effects of divisions and feuds on 
that side ; on the other hand, there is a kingdom 
entire, unconquered, and independent, and for the 
present under the same monarch with the rest. 
But here their feuds are greater than with the other, 
and more dangerous by far, because national : this 



THE COXSOLIDATOR. 1 i i 

kingdom joins to the north part of the first kingdom, 
and terrible divisions lie among the two nations. 

The people of these two kingdoms are called, if 
you please for distinction sake, for I cannot well 
make you understand their hard names, Soiunarians 
and Nolunarians, these to the south and those to 
the north, the Soiunarians were divided in their 
articles of religion ; the governing party, or the 
established church, I shall call the Solunarian 
church ; but the whole kingdom was full of a sort 
of religious people called Crolians, who, like our 
dissenters in England, profess divers subdivided 
opinions by themselves, and could not, or would 
not, let it go which Vv'ay it will, join with the esta- 
blished church. 

On the other hand, the established church in the 
northern kingdom was all Crolians, but full of Soiu- 
narians in opinions, who were dissenters there, as 
the Crolians were dissenters in the south, and this 
unhappy mixture occasioned endless feuds, divisions, 
subdivisions, and animosities without number, of 
which hereafter. 

The northern men are bold, terrible, numerous, 
and brave, to the last degree, but poor, and, by the 
encroachments of their neighbours, growing poorer 
every day. 

The southern are equally brave, more numerous, 
and terrible, but wealthy ; and care not for wars, had 
rather stay at home and quarrel with one another, 
than go abroad to fight, making good an old maxim. 
Too poor to agree, and yet too rich to fight. 

Between these the feud is great, and every day 
growing greater ; and those people who pretend to 
have been in the Cogitator, or thinking engine, tell 
us, all the lines of consequences in that affair point 
at a fatal period between the kingdoms. 

The complaints also are great, and backed with 



278 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

fiery arguments on both sides ; the northern men 
say, the Solunarians have dealt unjustly and un- 
kindly by them in several articles ; but the southern 
men reply with a most powerful argument, viz. they 
are poor, and therefore ought to be oppressed, sup- 
pressed, or anything. 

But the main debate is like to lie upon the article 
of choosing a king, both the nations being under 
one government at present, but the settlement 
ending in the reigning line, the northern men refuse 
to join in government again, unless they have a 
rectification of some conditions, in which they say 
they have the worst of it. 

In this case, even the southern men themselves 
say, they believe the Nolunarians have been in the 
chair of reflection, the thinking engine, and that 
having screwed their understandings into a direct 
position to that matter before them, they have made 
a right judgment of their own affairs, and with all 
their poverty stand on the best foot as to right. 

But as the matter of this northern quarrel comes 
under a second head, and is more properly the sub- 
ject of a second voyage to the moon ; the reader may 
have it more at large considered in another class, 
and some further enlightenings in that affair than 
perhaps can be reasonably expected of me here. 

But of all the feuds and brangles that ever poor 
nation was embroiled in ; of all the quarrels, the 
factions, and parties, that ever the people of any 
nation thought worth while to fall out for; none were 
ever in reality so light, in effect so heavy, in ap- 
pearance so great, in substance so small, in name so 
terrible, in nature so trifling, as those for which this 
southern country was altogether by the ears among 
themselves. 

And this was one reason why I so earnestly 
inquired, of my lunarian philosopher, whether he 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 279 

had an estate in that country or no. But having 
told him the cause of that inquiry, he replied, there 
was one thing in the nature of his countrymen which 
secured them from the ruin which usually attended 
divided nations, viz., that if any foreign nation, 
thinking to take the advantage of their intestine di- 
visions, fell upon them in the highest of all their 
feuds, they lay aside their parties and quarrels and 
presently fall in together to beat out the common 
enemy; and then, no sooner had they obtained 
peace abroad, by their conduct and bravery, but 
they would fall to cutting one another's throats again 
at home, as naturally as if it had been their proper 
calling, and that for trifles too, mere trifles. 

Very well, said I, to my learned self, pretty like 
my own country still, that, whatever peace they 
have abroad, are sure to have none at home. 

To come at the historical account of these luna- 
rian dissensions it will be absolutely necessary to 
enter a little into the story of the place, at least as 
far as relates to the present constitution, both of the 
people, the government, and the subject of their 
present quarrels. 

And first we are to understand, that there has for 
some ages been carried on in these countries, a 
private feud or quarrel among the people, about a 
thing called by them Upogyla, with us very vulgarly 
called Religion. 

This difference, as in its original it was not great, 
nor indeed upon points accounted among themselves 
essential, so it had never been a difference of any 
height, if there had not always been some one thing 
or other happening in the state, which made the court- 
politicians think it necessary to keep the people busy 
acd embroiled, to prevent their more narrow inspec- 
tion into depredations and encroachment on their li- 



280 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 



berties, which was always making on them by the 
court. 

It is not denied but there might be a native 
want of charity in the inhabitants, adapting them to 
feud, and particuhirly qualifying them to be always 
piquing one another ; and some of their own nation, 
who, by the help of the famous perspectives before- 
mentioned, pretend to have seen further into the 
insides of nature and constitution than other people, 
tell us the cross lines of nature which appear in the 
make of those particular people, signify a direct 
negative as to the article of charity and good neigh- 
bourhood. 

It was particularly unhappy to this wrangling 
people, that reasons of state should always fall in, 
to make that uncharitableness and continual quar- 
relling humour necessary to carry on the public 
affairs of the nation, and may pass for a certain 
proof that the state was under some diseases and 
convulsions, which, like a body that digests nothing 
so well as what is hurtful to its constitution, makes 
use of those things for its support, which are in their 
very nature fatal to its being, and must at last tend 
to its destruction. 

But as this, however, inclined them to be conti- 
nually snarling at one another, so as in all quarrels 
it generally appears one side must go down. 

The prevailing party, therefore, always kept the 
power in their hands, and as the under were always 
subject to the lash, they soon took care to hook 
their quarrel into the affairs of state, and so 
join religious differences and civil differences to- 
gether. 

These things had long embroiled the nation, and 
frequently involved them in bitter enmities, feuds, 
and quarrels, and once in a tedious, ruinous, and 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 281 

bloody war in their own bowels, in which, contrary 
to all expectation, this lesser party prevailed. 

And since the allegoric relation may bear great 
similitude with our European aflPairs on this side the 
moon, I shall, for the ease of expression, and the 
better understanding of the reader, frequently call 
them by the same names our unhappy parties are 
called by in England ; as Solunarian churchmen, 
and Crolian dissenters, at the same time desiring my 
reader to observe, that he is always to remember 
who it is we are talking of, and that he is by no 
means to understand me of any person, party, 
people, nation, or place, on this side the moon, any 
expression, circumstance, similitude, or appearance 
to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 

This premised, I am to tell the reader that the 
last civil war in this lunar country, ended in the 
victors confounding their own conquest by their 
intesrine broils, they being, as is already noted, a 
most eternally quarrelling nation ; upon this new 
breach, they that first began the war turned about, 
and pleading that they took up arms to regulate the 
government, not to overthrow it, fell in with the 
family of their king's, who had been banished, and 
one of them destroyed, and restored the crown to 
the family, and the nation to the crown, just for all 
the world as the presbyterians in England did, in 
the case of king Charles the Second. 

The party that was thus restored accepted the 
return the others made to their duty, and their 
assistance in restoring the family of their monarch, 
but abated not a tittle of the old rancour against 
them as a party, which they entertained at their 
first taking arms, not allowing the return they had 
made to be any atonement at all for the crimes 
they had been guilty of before. It is true, they 
passed an act or grant of general pardon and 



282 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

oblivion, as in all such cases is usual, and as without 
which the other would never have come in, or have 
joined powers to form the restoration they were 
bringing to pass, but the old feud of religion con- 
tinued, with this addition, that the dissenters were 
rebels, murderers, king-killers, enemies to monar- 
chy and civil government, lovers of confusion, 
popular, anarchial governments, and movers of 
sedition ; that this was in their very nature and 
principles, and the like. 

In this condition, and under these mortifications, 
this party of people lived just an Egyptian servi- 
tude, viz., of forty years, in which time they were 
frequently vexed with persecution, harassed,- plun- 
dered, fined, imprisoned, and very hardly treated, 
insomuch that they pretend to be able to give an 
account of vast sums of their country money, 
levied upon them on these occasions, amounting, as 
I take it, to two millions of lunatians, a coin they 
keep their accounts by there, and much about the 
value of our pound sterling ; besides this they were 
hooked into a great many sham plots, and sworn 
out of their lives and estates in such a manner, that 
in the very next reign the government was so sen- 
sible of their hard treatment, that they reversed 
several sentences by the same authority that had 
executed them ; a most undeniable proof they were 
ashamed of what had been done ; at last, the 
prince who was restored as above said, died, and 
his brother mounted the throne ; and now began a 
third scene of affairs, for this prince was neither 
churchman, nor dissenter, but of a different religion 
from them all, known in that country by the name 
of Abrogratzianism, and this religion of his had this 
one absolutely necessary consequence in it, that a 
man could not be sincerely and heartily of this, but he 
must be an implacable hater of both the other. As this 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 283 

is laid down as a previous supposition, we are with 
the same reason to imagine this prince to be entirely 
bent upon the suppression and destruction of both 
the other, if not absolutely as to life and estate, yet 
entirely as to religion. 

To bring this the more readily to pass, like a true 
politician, had his methods and particulars been 
equally politic with his generals, he began at the 
right end, viz., to make ,the breach between the 
Solunarian church and the Crolian dissenters as 
wide as possible ; and to do this it was resolved to 
shift sides, and as the crown had always took part 
with the church, crushed, humbled, persecuted, and 
by all means possible mortified the dissenters, as is 
noted in the reign of his predecessor, this prince 
resolved to caress, cherish, and encourage the Cro- 
lians by all possible arts, and outward endearments ; 
not so much that they purposed them any real 
favour, for the destruction of both was equally 
determined, nor so much that they expected to draw 
them over to Abrogratzianism, but two reasons may 
be supposed to give rise to this project. 

1. The Lunarian church party had all along 
preached up for a part of their religion, that absolute 
undisputed obedience was due from every subject 
to their prince, without any reserve, rehictance, or 
repining ; that as to resistance, it was fatal to body, 
soul, religion, justice, and government ; and though 
the doctrine was repugnant to nature, and to the 
very supreme command itself, yet he that resisted, 
received to himself damnation, just for all the world 
like our doctrine of passive obedience. Now though 
these Solunarian churchmen did not absolutely be- 
lieve all they said themselves to be true, yet they 
found it necessary to push these things to the ut- 
most extremities, because they might the better fix 
upon the Crolian dissenters the charge of professing 



284 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

less loyal principles than they. For as to the Cro- 
lians, they professed openly they would pay obedi- 
ence to the prince, as far as the laws directed, but no 
further. 

These things were run up to strange heights, 
and the people were always falling out about what 
they would do, or would not do, if things were so 
and so, as they were not, and were never likely to be ; 
and the hot men on both sides were every now and 
then going together by the ears about chimeras, 
shadows, may-be's and supposes. 

The hot men of the Solunarian church were for 
knocking the Crolians on the head, because, as they 
said, they were rebels, their fathers were rebels, and 
they would certainly turn rebels again upon occasion. 

The Crolians insisted upon it, that they had no- 
thing to do with what was done before they were 
born, that if they were criminal because their 
fathers were so, then a great many who were now 
of the Solunarian church were as guilty as they, 
several of the best members of that church having 
been born of Crolian parents. 

In the matter of loyalty, they insisted upon it 
they were as loyal as the Sdiunarians, for that they 
were as loyal as nature, reason, and the laws both of 
God and man required, and what the other talked 
of more was but a mere pretence, and so it would 
be found if ever their prince should have occasion 
to put them to the trial ; that he that pretended to 
go beyond the power of nature and reason, must in- 
deed go beyond them, and they never desired to be 
brought into the extreme, but they were ready at 
any time to show such proofs, and give such demon- 
strations of their loyalty, as would satisfy any reason- 
able prince, and for more they had nothing to say. 

In this posture of affairs, this new prince found 
his subjects when he came to the crown, the 



THE CONSOLIDATOE, 285 

Solunarian church caressed him, and notwithstand- 
ing his being devoted to the Abrogratzian faith, 
they crowned him with extraordinary acclamations. 

They were the rather inclined to push this 
forward by how much they thought it would singu- 
larly mortify the Crolians, and all the sorts of dis- 
senters, for they had all along declared their abhor- 
rence of the Abrogratzians to such a degree, that 
they publicly endeavoured to have got a general 
concurrence of the whole nation in the public cortes, 
or diet of the kingdom, to have joined with them 
in excluding this very prince by name, and all other 
princes that should ever embrace the Abrogratzian 
faith. 

And it wanted but a very little of bringing it to 
pass, for almost all the great men of the nation, 
though Solunarians, yet that were men of temper, 
moderation, and foresight, were for this exclusive 
law. But the high priests and patriarchs of the 
Solunarian church prevented it, and upon pretence 
of this passive-obedience principle, made their 
interest and gave their voices for crowning, or en- 
tailing the crown and government on the head of 
one of the most implacable enemies, both to their 
religion and civil rights, that ever the nation saw ; 
but they lived to repent it too late. 

This conquest over the Crolians and the mode- 
rate Solunarians, if it did not suppress them entirely, 
it yet gave the other party such an ascendant over 
them, that they made no doubt when that prince 
came to the crown, they had done so much to oblige 
him, that he could deny them nothing, and therefore, 
in expectation, they swallov/ed up the whole body of 
the Crolians at once, and began to talk of nothing 
less than banishing them to the northern part of the 
country, or to certain islands and countries a vast 



286 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

way off, where formerly great numbers of them had 
fled for shelter in like cases. 

And this was the more probable by an unhappy 
stroke these Crolians attempted to strike, but mis- 
carried in, at the very beginning of this prince's 
reign : for as they had always professed an aversion to 
this prince on account of his religion, as soon as 
their other king was dead, they set up one of his 
natural sons against this king which the Solunarians 
had so joyfully crowned. This young prince in- 
vaded his dominions, and great numbers of the most 
zealous Crolians joined him. But to cut the story 
short, he was entirely routed by the forces of the 
new prince, for all the Solunarian church joined 
with him against the Crolians, without any respect 
to the interest of religion, so they overthrew their 
brethren : the young invading prince was taken 
and put to death openly, and great cruelties were 
exercised in cold blood upon the poor unhappy 
people that were taken in the defeat ! 

Thus a second time these loyal Solunarian church- 
men established their enemy, and built up what they 
were glad afterwards to pull down again, and to beg 
the assistance of those very Crolians whom they had 
so rudely handled, to help them demolish the power 
they had erected themselves, and which now began 
to set its foot upon the throat of those that nourished 
and supported it. 

Upon this exceeding loyalty and blind assistance 
given to their prince, the Solunarians made no 
question but they had so eternally bound him to 
them, that it would be in their power to pull down 
the very name of Crolianism, and utterly destroy it 
from the nation. 

But the time came on to undeceive them, for this 
prince, whose principle as an Abrogratzian, was to 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 287 

destroy them both, as it happened, was furnished 
with counsellors and ecclesiastics of his own pro- 
fession, ten thousand times more bent for their 
general ruin than himself 

For, abstracted from the venom and rancour of 
his profession as an Abrogratzian, and from the 
furious zeal of his Brahmin priests, and religious 
people, that continually hung about him, and that 
prompted him to act against his temper and inclina- 
tion, by which he ruined all, he was else a forward 
and generous prince, and likely to have made his 
people great and flourishing. 

But his furious churchmen ruined all his good 
designs, and turned all his projects to compass the 
introduction of his own religion into his dominions. 

Nay, and had he not fatally been pushed on by 
such as really designed his ruin, to drive this deep 
design on too hastily and turn the scale of his ma- 
nagement from a close and concealed, to an open 
and professed design, he might have gone a great 
way with it. Had he been content to have let that 
have been twenty years a-doing, which he impatiently, 
as well as preposterously, attempted all at once, wise 
men have thought he might in time have suppressed 
the Solunarian religion, and have set up his owti. 

To give a short scheme of his proceedings, and 
with them of the reason of his miscarriage. 

1. Having defeated the rebellious Crolians, as is 
before noted, and reflecting on the danger he was 
in upon the sudden progress of that rebellion, for 
indeed he was within a trifle of ruin in that affair ; 
and had not the Crolians been deceived by the dark- 
ness of the night and led to a large ditch of water, 
which they could not pass over, they had certainly 
surprised and overthrown his army, and cut them 
in pieces, before they had known who had hurt them. 
Upon the sense of this danger, he takes up a 



288 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

pretence of necessity for the being always ready to 
resist the factious Crolians, as he called them, and 
by that insinuation hooks .himself into a standing 
army in time of peace ; nay, and so easy were the 
Solunarian church to yield up any point, which they 
did but imagine would help to crush their brethren 
the Crolians, that they not only consented to this 
unusual invasion of their ancient liberties, but sent 
up several testimonials of their free consent, nay, 
and of their joy of having arrived to so great a 
happiness, as to have a prince that, setting aside the 
formality of laws, would vouchsafe to govern them 
by the glorious method of a standing army. 

These testimonials were things not much unlike 
our addresses in England, and which when I heard, 
I could not but remember our case, in the time of 
the late king James, when the city of Carlisle, in 
their address, thanked his majesty for the establish- 
ing a standing army in England in time of peace, 
calling it the strength and glory of the kingdom. 

So strong is the ambition and envy of parties, 
these Solunarian gentlemen not grudging to put 
out one of their own eyes, so they might at the 
same time put out both the eyes of their enemies ; 
the Crolians rather consented to this badge of their 
own slavery, and brought themselves who were a 
free people before, under the power and slavery of 
the sword. 

The ease with which this prince got over so con- 
siderable a point as this, made him begin to be too 
credulous, and to persuade himself that the Soluna- 
rian churchmen were really in earnest, as to their 
pageant-doctrine of non-resistance, and that, as he 
had seen them bear with strange extravagancies on 
the Crolian part, they were real and in earnest when 
they preached, that men ought to obey for con- 
science's sake, whatever hardships were imposed 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 289 

upon them, and however unjust, or contrary to the 
laws of God, nature, reason, or their country. What 
principle in the world could more readily prompt a 
prince to attempt what he so earnestly coveted, as 
this zealous prince did the restoring the Abrogratzian 
faith ? for since he had but two sorts of people to do 
with, (one he had crushed by force, and had brought 
the other to profess it their religion, their duty, and 
their resolution, to bear everything he thought fit to 
impose upon them, and that they should be damned 
if they resisted,) the work seemed half done to his 
hand. 

And indeed, when I reflected on the coherence of 
things, I could not so much blame this prince for 
his venturing upon the probability; for whoever was 
but to go up to this lunar world and read the stories 
of that time, with what fury the hot men of the 
Solunarian church acted against the dissenting Cro- 
lians, and with what warmth they assisted their 
prince against them, and how cruelly they insulted 
them after they were defeated in their attempt of 
dethroning him ; how zealously they preached up 
the doctrine of absolute undisputed resignation to 
his will, how frequently they obeyed several of his 
encroachments upon their liberties, and what solemn 
protestations they made to submit to him in any- 
thing, and to stand by and assist him in whatever 
he commanded them, to the last drop, much with 
the same zeal and forwardness as our life and fortune 
men did here in England : I say, when all this was 
considered, I could not so much condemn his credu- 
lity, nor blame him for believing them ; for no man 
could have doubted their sincerity, but he that at 
the same time must have taxed them with most 
unexampled hypocrisy. 

For the Solunarians now began to discern their 
prince was not really on their side ; that neither in 

CONSOLIDATOR. * U 



290 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

State matters any more than religion, he had any 
affection for them, and the first absolute shock he 
gave them, was in publishing a general liberty to 
the Crolians. It is true this was not out of respect 
to the Crolian religion any more than the Solunarian, 
but purely because by that means he made way for 
an introduction of the Abrogratzian religion, which 
now began to appear publicly in the country. 

But, however, as this was directly contrary to the 
expectation of the Solunarians, it gave them such a 
disgust against their prince, that from that very time, 
being disappointed in the sovereign authority they 
expected, they entered into the deepest and blackest 
conspiracy against their prince and his government 
that ever was heard of. 

Many of the Crolians were deluded by the new 
favour and liberty they received from the prince, to 
believe him real, and were glad of the mortification 
of their brethren ; but the more judicious, seeing 
plainly the prince's design, declared against their 
own liberty, because given them by an illegal autho- 
rity, without the assent of the whole body legally 
assembled. 

When the Solunarians saw this, they easily re- 
conciled themselves to the Crolians, at least from 
the outside of the face, for the carrying on their 
design, and so here was a nation full of plots ; here 
was the prince and his Abrogratzians plotting to 
introduce their religion, here was a parcel of blind 
shortsighted Crolians plotting to ruin the Soluna- 
rian establishment, and weakly joining with the 
Abrogratzians to satisfy their private resentments ; 
and here was the wiser Crolians joining heartily 
with the Solunarians of all sorts, laying aside private 
resentments, and forgetting old grudges about re- 
ligion, in order to ruin the invading projects of the 
prince and his party. 



THE CON SOLID ATOR. 291 

> 

There was indeed some \erbal conditions past 
between them ; and the Solunarians, willing to bring 
them into their party, promised them, upon the faith 
of their nation, and the honour of the Solunarian 
religion, that there should be no more hatred, dis- 
turbance, or persecution, for the sake of religion, be- 
tween them, but that they would come to a temper 
with them, and always be brethren for the future. 
They declared that persecution was contrary to 
their religion in general, and to their doctrine in 
particular ; and backed their allegations with some 
truths they have not since thought fit to like, nor 
much to regard. 

However, by this artifice, and on these condi- 
tions, they brought the Crolians to join with them 
in their resolutions to countermine their designing 
prince ; these indeed were for doing it by the old 
way downright, and to oppose oppression with 
force, a doctrine they acknowledged, and professed to 
join with all the lunar part of mankind in the prac- 
tice, and began to tell their brethren how they had 
imposed upon themselves and the world, in pre- 
tending to absolute submission, against nature and 
universal Lunarian practice. 

But a cunning fellow personating a Solunarian, 
and who was in the plot, gravely answered them thus ; 
Look ye, gentlemen, we own with you that nature, 
reason, law, justice, and custom of nations, is on 
your side, and that all power derives from, centres 
in, and on all recesses or demises of power returns 
to, its great original, the party governed : nay, we 
own our great eye, from whom all the habitable 
parts of this globe are enlightened, has always di- 
rected us to practise what nature thus dictates, al- 
ways approved and generally succeeded the attempt 
of dethroning tyrants. But our case differs ; we 
have always pretended to this absolute undisputed 

u 2 



292 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

obedience, which we did indeed to gain <he power 
of your party ; and if we should turn round at once 
to your opinion, though never so right, we should 
so fly in the face of our own doctrine, sermons, in- 
numerable pamphlets and pretensions, as would 
give all our enemies too great a power over us in 
argument, and we should never be able to look 
mankind in the face : but we have laid our mea- 
sures so, that by prompting the king to run upon us 
in all sorts of barefaced extremes and violences, we 
shall bring him to exasperate the whole nation ; 
then we may underhand foment the breach on this 
side, raise the mob upon him, and by acting on 
both sides, seem to suffer a force in falling in with 
the people, and preserve our reputation. 

Thus we shall bring the thing to pass, betray our 
prince, take arms against his power, call in foreign 
force to do the work, and even then keep our hands 
seemingly out of the broil, by being pretended 
sticklers for our former prince ; so save our reputa- 
tion, and bring all to pass with ease and calmness ; 
while the eager party of the Abrogratzians will do 
their own work by expecting we will do it for 
them. 

The Crolians, astonished both at the policy, the 
depth, the knavery, and the hypocrisy of the design, 
left them to carry it on, owning it was a master- 
piece of craft, and so stood still to observe the issue, 
which every way answered the exactness of its 
contrivance. 

When I saw into the bottom of all this deceit, I 
began to take up new resolutions of returning back 
into our old world again, and going home to 
England, where, though I had conceived great in- 
dignation at the treatment our passive-obedience 
men gave their prince here, and was in hopes in 
these my remote travels to have found out some 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 293 

nations of honour and principles, I was filled with 
amazement to see our moderate knaves so much 
outdone, and I was informed that all these things 
were mere amusements, visors, and shams, to bring 
an innocent prince into the snare. 

Would any mortal imagine, who has read this 
short part of the story, that all this was a Solunarian 
church plot, a mere conspiracy between these gen- 
tlemen and the Crolian dissenters, only to wheedle 
in the unhappy prince to his own destruction, and 
bring the popular advantage of the mob to a greater 
ascendant on the crown. 

Of all the Richeliens, Mazarines, Gondamars, 
Oliver Cromwells, and the whole train of politicians 
that our world has produced, the greatest of their 
arts are follies to the unfathomable depth of these 
Lunarian policies ; and for wheedle, lying, swear- 
ing, preaching, printing, &c., what is said in our 
world by priests and politicians, we thank God may 
be believed ; but if ever I believe a Solunarian 
priest preaching non-resistance of monarchs, or a 
Solunarian politician turning Abrogratzian, I ought 
to be marked down for a fool ; nor will ever any 
prince in that country take their word again, if 
ever they have their senses about them ; but as this 
is a most extraordinary scene, so I cannot omit a 
more particular and sufficient relation of some parts 
of it, than I used to give. 

The Solunarian clergy had carried on their non- 
resistance doctrine to such extremities, and had 
given this new prince such unusual demonstrations 
of it, that he fell absolutely into the snare, and en- 
tirely believed them ; he had tried them with such 
impositions as they would never have borne from 
any prince in the world, nor from him neither, had 
they not had a deep design, and consequently stood 
in need of the deepest disguise imaginable ; they 



294 THE CONSOLEDATOR. 

had yielded to a standing army, and applauded it 
as a thing they had desired ; they had submitted 
to levying taxes upon them by new methods, and 
illegal practices ; they had yielded to the abrogation, 
or suspension at least, of their laws, when the king's 
absolute will required it ; not that they were blind, 
and did not see what their prince was doing, but 
that the black design was so deeply laid, they found 
it was the only way to ruin him, to push him upon 
the highest extremes, and then they should have 
their turn served. Thus if he desired one illegal 
thing of them, they would immediately grant two ; 
one would have thought they had read our Bible, 
and the command, when a man takes away the 
cloak, to give him the coat also. 

Nor was this enough, but they seemed willing to 
admit of the public exercise of the Abrogratzian 
religion in all parts ; and when the prince set it up 
in his own chapel, they suifered it to be set up in 
their cities and towns, and the Abrogratzian 
clergy began to be seen up and down in their very 
habits ; a thing which had never been permitted 
before in that country, and which the common 
people began to be very uneasy at ; but still the 
Solunarian clergy, and all such of the gentry espe- 
cially as were in the plot, by their sermons, printed 
books, and public discourses, carried on this high 
topping notion of absolute submission, so that the 
people were kept under, and began to submit to all 
the impositions of the prince. 

These things were so acted to the life, that not 
only the prince, but none of his Abrogratzian coun- 
sellors could see the snare ; the hook was so finely 
covered by the church artificers, and the bait so 
delicious, that they all swallowed it with eagerness 
and delight. 

But the conspirators, willing to make a sure game 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 295 

of it, and not thinking the king or all his counsel- 
lors would drive on so fast as they would have 
them, though they had already made a fair progress 
for the time, resolved to play home ; and accord- 
ingly they persuade their prince, that they will not 
only submit to his arbitrary will in matters of 
state and government, but in matters of religion ; 
and in order to carry this jest on, one of the heads 
of their politics, and a person of great esteem for 
his abilities in matters of state, being without 
question one of the ablest heads of all the Soluna- 
rian nobility, pretended to be converted, and turned 
Abrogratzian. This immediately took as they 
desired, for the prince caressed him, and enter- 
tained him with all possible endearments, preferred 
him to several posts of honour and advantage, 
always kept him near him, consulted him in all 
emergencies, took him with him to the Abrogratzian 
sacrifices, and he made no scruple publicly to 
appear there ; and by these degrees, and a super- 
Achitophelian hypocrisy, so insinuated himself into 
the credulous prince's favour, that he became his 
only confident, and absolute master of all his 
designs. 

Now the plot had its desired effect, for he pushed 
the king upon all manner of precipitations ; and if 
even the Abrogratzians themselves who were about 
the king, interposed for more temperate proceedings, 
he would call them cowards, strangers, ignorant of 
the temper of the Lunarians, who, when they were 
agoing, might be driven, but if they were suffered 
to cool and consider, would face about and fall off. 

Indeed the men of prudence and estates among 
his own party, I mean the Abrogratzians in the 
country, frequently warned him to take more mo- 
derate measures, and to proceed with more caution ; 



296 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

told him he would certainly ruin them all, and him- 
self, and that there must be somebody about his 
majesty that pushed him upon these extremes, on 
purpose to set all the nation in a flame, and to over- 
throw all the good designs, which, with temper and 
good conduct, might be brought to perfection. 

Had these wary counsels been observed, and 
a prudence and policy agreeable to the mighty con- 
sequence of things been practised, the Solunarian 
church had run a great risk of being overthrown, and 
to have sunk gradually in the Abrogratzian errors ; 
the people began to be drawn off gradually, and the 
familiarity of the thing made it appear less frightftil 
to unthinking people, who had entertained strange 
notions of the monstrous things that were to be seen 
in it, so that common vogue had filled the people's 
minds with ignorant aversions, that it is no absur- 
dity to say, I believe there was two hundred thou- 
sand people who would have spent the last drop of 
their blood against Abrogratzianisra, that did not 
know whether it was a man or a horse. 

This thing considered well, would of itself have 
been sufficient to have made the prince and his 
friends wary, and to have taught them to suit their 
measures to the nature and circumstances of things 
before them ; but success in their beginnings blinded 
their eyes, and they fell into this church snare 
with the most unpitied willingness that could be 
imagined. 

The first thing therefore this new counsellor put 
his master upon, in order to the beginning his more 
certain ruin, was to introduce several of his Abro- 
gratzians into places of all kinds, both in the army, 
navy, treasure, and civil affairs, though contrary to 
some of the general constitutions of government ; 
he had done it into the army before, though it had 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 29 

disgusted several of his military men, !)ut now he 
pushed him upon making it universal, and still the 
passive Solunarians bore it with patience. 

From this tameness and submission, his next step 
was to argue that he might depend upon it the So- 
lunarian church had so sincerely embraced the doc- 
trine of non-resistance, that they were now ripened 
not only to sit still and see their brethren the Cro- 
lians suppressed, but to stand still and be oppressed 
themselves; and he might assure himself the matter 
was now ripe, he might do just what he would 
himself with them, they were prepared to bear any- 
thing. 

This was the fatal stroke, for having possessed the 
prince with the belief of this, he let loose the reins 
to all his long-concealed desires. Down went their 
laws, their liberties, their corporations, their 
churches, their colleges, all went to wreck, and the 
eager Abrogratzians thought the day their own. 
The Solunarians made no opposition, but what was 
contained within the narrow circumference of peti- 
tions, addresses, prayers, and tears ; and these the 
prince was prepared to reject, and upon all oc- 
casions to let them know he was resolved to be 
obeyed. 

Thus he drove on by the treacherous advice of 
his new counsels, till he ripened all the nation 
for the general defection which afterward followed. 

For as the encroachments of the prince pushed 
especially at their church liberties, and threatened 
the overthrow of all their ecclesiastical privileges, 
the clergy no sooner began to feel that they were 
like to be the first sacrifice, but they immediately 
threw off the visor, and beat the concionazimir ; 
this is a certain ecclesiastic engine which is usual 
in cases of general alarm, as the church's signal of 
imiversal tumult. 



298 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

This is truly a strange engine, and when a clergy- 
man gets into the inside of it, and beats it, it roars, 
and makes such a terrible noise from the several 
cavities, that it is heard a long way ; and there are 
always a competent number of them placed in all 
parts so conveniently, that the alarm is heard all 
over the kingdom in one day. 

I had some thoughts to have given the reader a 
diagram of this piece of art, but as I am but a bad 
draftsman, I have not yet been able so exactly to 
describe it as that a scheme can be drawn, but to 
the best of my skill, take it as follows. It is a hol- 
low vessel, large enough to hold the biggest clergy- 
man in the nation ; it is generally an octagon in 
figure, open before, from the waist upward, but 
whole at the back, with a flat extended over it for 
reverberation, or doubling the sound ; doubling and 
redoubling being frequently thought necessary to 
be made use of on these occasions ; it is very ma- 
thematically contrived, erected on a pedestal of 
wood like a windmill, and has a pair of winding 
stairs up to it, like those at the great tun at Hei- 
delberg. 

I could make some hieroglyphical discourses upon 
it, from these references, thus: 1. That as it is 
erected on a pedestal like a windmill, so it is no 
new thing for the clergy, who are the only persons 
permitted to make use of it, to make it turn round 
with the wind, and serve to all the points of the 
compass. 2. As the flat over it assists to increase 
the sound, by forming a kind of hollow or cavity 
proper to that purpose, so there is a certain natural 
hoUowness, or emptiness, made use of sometimes in 
it, by the gentlemen of the gown, which serves ex- 
ceedingly to the propagation of all sorts of clamour, 
noise, railing, and disturbance. 3, As the stairs to 
it go winding up like those by which one mounts 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 299 

to the vast tun of wine at Heidelberg, which has 
no equal in our world, so the use made of these as- 
cending steps is not altogether different, being fre- 
quently employed to raise people up to all sorts of 
enthusiasms, spiritual intoxications, mad and extra- 
vagant action, high exalted flights, precipitations, 
and all kinds of ecclesiastic drunkenness and ex- 
cesses. 

The sound of this emblem of emptiness, the con- 
cionazimir, was no sooner heard over the nation, 
but all the people discovered their readiness to join 
in with the summons, and as the thing had been 
concerted before, they send over their messengers 
to demand assistance from a powerful prince beyond 
the sea, one of their own religion, and who was 
allied by marriage to the crown. 

They made their story out so plain, and their 
king had by the contrivance of their Achitophel, ren- 
dered himself so suspected to all his neighbours, 
that this prince, without any hesitation, resolved to 
join with them, and accordingly makes vast prepara- 
tions to invade their king. 

During this interval, their behaviour was quite 
altered at home, the doctrine of absolute submission 
and non-resistance was heard no more among them ; 
the concionazimir beat daily to tell all the people 
they should stand up to defend the rights of the 
church, and that it was time to look about them, for 
the Abrogratzians were upon them. The eager 
clergy made this ecclesiastic engine sound as loud 
and make all the noise they could, and no men in 
the nation were so forward as they to acknowledge 
that it was a state trick, and they were drawn in to 
make such a stir about the pretended doctrines of 
absolute submission, that they did not see the snare 
which lay under it ; that now their eyes were 
opened, and they had learned to see the power and 



300 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

superiority of natural right, and would be deceived 
no longer. Others were so honest to tell the truth, 
that they knew the emptiness and weakness of the 
pretence all along, and knew what they did when 
they preached it up, viz. to suppress and pull down 
the Crolians : but they thought their prince, who 
they always served in crying up that doctrine, and 
whose exclusion was prevented by it, would have 
had more gratitude, or at least more sense, than to 
try the experiment upon them, since whatever, to 
serve his designs and their own, which they always 
thought well united, they were willing to pre- 
tend, he could not but see they always knew better 
than to suffer the practice of it in their own case. 
That since he had turned the tables upon them, it 
is true he had them at an advantage and might pre- 
tend they were knaves, and perhaps had an oppor- 
tunity to call them so with some reason ; but they were 
resolved, since he had drove them to the necessity 
of being one or the other, though he might call them 
knaves, they would take care he should have no 
reason to call them fools too. 

Thus the vapour of absolute subjection was lost 
on a sudden, and, as if it had been preparatory to 
what was coming after, the experiment was quickly 
made ; for the king pursuing his encroachments 
upon the church, and being possessed with a belief 
that pursuant to their open professions they would 
submit to anything, he made a beginning with them, 
in sending his positive command to one of his super- 
intendent priests, or patriarchs, to forbid a certain 
ecclesiastic to officiate any more till his royal plea- 
sure was known. 

Now it happened very unluckily that this patri- 
arch, though none of the most learned of his frater- 
nity, yet had always been a mighty zealous pro- 
moter of this blind doctrine of non-resistance, and 



THE CON SOLID ATOR. 301 

had not a little triumphed over and insulted the 
Crolian dissenters upon the notion of rebellion, 
antimonarchical principles and obedience, with a re- 
serve for the laws, and the like, as a scandalous 
practice, and comprehensive of faction, sedition, 
dangerous to the church and state, and the like. 

This reverend father was singled out as the first 
mark of the king's design ; the deluded prince be- 
lieved he could not but comply, having so publicly 
professed his being all submission and absolute sub- 
jection ; but as this was all conceit, he was pushed 
on to make the assault where he was most certain 
to meet a repulse ; and this gentleman had long 
since thrown off the mask, so his first order was dis- 
obeyed. 

The patriarch pretended to make humble remon- 
strances, and to offer his reasons why he could not 
in conscience, as he called it, comply. The king, 
who was now made but a mere engine, or machine, 
screwed up or down by this false counsellor to act 
his approaching destruction with his own hand, was 
prompted to resent this repulse with the utmost in- 
dignation, to reject all manner of submissions, ex- 
cuses or arguments, or anything but an immediate 
absolute compliance, according to the doctrine so 
often inculcated ; and this he run on so high, as to 
put the patriarch in prison for contumacy. 

The patriarch as absolutely refused to submit, 
and offered himself to the decision of the law. 

Now it was always a sacred rule in these lunar 
countries, that both king and people are bound to 
stand by the arbitrement of the law in all cases of 
right or claim, whether public or private ; and this 
has been the reason that all the princes have endea- 
voured to cover their actions with pretences of law, 
whatever really has been in their design ; for this 



302 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

reason the king could not refuse to bring the patri- 
arch to a trial, where the humour of the people first 
discovered itself, for here passive obedience was 
tried and cast, the law proved to be superior to the 
king, the patriarch was acquitted, his disobedience 
to the king justified, and the king's command proved 
unjust. 

The applause of the patriarch, the acclamations 
of the people, and the general rejoicings of the whole 
nation at this transaction, gave a black prospect to 
the Abrogratzians ; and a great many of them came 
very honestly and humbly to the king and told him 
if he continued to go on by these measures he would 
ruin them all ; they told him what general alarm 
had been over the whole nation by the clamours of 
the clergy ; and the beating of the concionazimir in 
all parts, informed him how the doctrine of absolute 
obedience was ridiculed in all places, and how the 
clergy began to preach it back again like a witch's 
prayer, and that it would infallibly raise the devil of 
rebellion in all the nation ; they besought him to 
content himself with the liberty of their religion, 
and the freedom they enjoyed of being let into 
places and offices of trust and honour, and to wait 
all reasonable occasions to increase their advantages, 
and gradually to gain ground ; they entreated him 
to consider the impossibility of reducing so mighty, 
so obstinate, and so resolute a nation all at once. 
They pleaded how rational a thing it was to expect 
that by degrees and good management, which by 
precipitate measures would be endangered and 
overthrown. 

Had these wholesome counsels taken place in the 
king's mind, he had been king to his last hour, and 
the Solunarians and Crolians too had been all un- 
done, for he had certainly encroached upon them 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 303 

gradually, and brought that to pass in time which 
by precipitant measures he was not likely to effect. 
It was therefore a masterpiece of policy in the 
Solunarian churchmen to place a feigned convert 
near their prince, who should always bias him with 
contrary advices, puff him up with vast prospect of 
success, prompt him to all extremes, and always 
fool him with the certainty of bringing things to 
pass his own way. 

These arts made him set light by the repulse he 
met with in the matter of the patriarch, and now he 
proceeds to make two attacks more upon the church ; 
one was, by putting some of his Abrogratzian priests 
into a college among some of the Solunarian clergy ; 
and the other was, to oblige all the Solunarian 
clergy to read a certain act of his council, in which 
his majesty admitted all the Abrogratzians, Crolians, 
and all sorts of dissenters, to a freedom of their 
religious exercises, sacrifices, exorcisms, dippings, 
preachings, &c., and to prohibit the Solunarians to 
molest or disturb them. 

Now as this last was a bitter reproach to the 
Solunarian church for all the ill treatment the dis- 
senting Crolians had received from them, and as it 
was expressed in the act that all such treatment 
was unjust and unchristian, so for them to read it 
in their temples, was to acknowledge that they had 
been guilty of most unjust and irreligious dealings 
to the Crolians, and that their prince had taken care 
to do them justice. 

The matter of introducing the Abrogratzians into 
the colleges or seminaries of the Solunarian priests, 
was actually against the sacred constitutions and 
foundation laws of those seminaries. 

Wherefore in both these articles they not only 
disobeyed their prince, but they opposed him with 



304 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

those trifling things called laws, which they had be- 
fore declared had no defensive force against their 
prince ; these they had recourse to now, insisted 
upon the justice and right devolved upon them by 
the laws, and absolutely refused their compliance 
with his commands. 

The prince, pushed upon the tenters before, re- 
ceived their denial with exceeding resentment, and 
was heard, with deep regret, to break out in excla- 
mations at their unexpected faithless proceedings, 
and sometimes to express himself thus : Horrid 
hypocrisy ! Surprising treachery ! Is this the abso- 
lute subjection which in such numerous testimonials 
or addresses you professed, and for which you so 
often and so constantly branded the poor Crolians, 
and told me that your church was wholly made up 
of principles of loyalty and obedience ! But I will be 
fully satisfied for this treatment. 

In the minute of one of those excursions of his 
passion, came into his presence the seemingly re- 
volted Lunarian nobleman, and falling in with his 
present passions, prompts him to a speedy revenge, 
and proposed his erecting a Court of Searches, some- 
thing like the Spanish Inquisition, giving them ple- 
nipotentiary authority to hear and determine all 
ecclesiastical causes absolutely, and without ap- 
peal. 

He empowered these judges to place, by his abso- 
lute will, all the Abrogratzian students in the Solu- 
narian college, and though they might make a 
formal hearing for the sake of the form, yet that by 
force it should be done. 

He gave them power to displace all those Solu- 
narian clergymen that had refused to read his act of 
demission to the Abrogratzian and Crolian dissen- 
ters, and it was thought he designed to keep their 



THE CONSOL.1DATOJI. 305 

revenues in petto, till he might in time fill them up 
to some of his own religion. 

The commission accordingly began to act, and 
discovering a full resolution to fulfil his command, 
they by force proceeded with the students of the 
Solunarian college ; and it was very remarkable, 
that even some of the Solunarian patriarchs were of 
this number, who turned out their brethren the 
Solunarian students, to place Abrogratzians in 
their room. 

This indeed they are said to have repented of 
since, but however, these it seems were not of 
the plot, and therefore did not foresee what was at 
hand. 

The rest of the patriarchs, who were all in the 
grand design, and saw things ripening for its ex- 
ecution, upon the apprehension of this court of 
searches beginning with them, make an humble 
address to their prince, containing the reasons why 
they could not comply with his royal command. 

The incensed king upbraided them with his hav- 
ing been told by them of their absolute and unre- 
served obedience, and refusing their submissions or 
their reasons, sent them all to jail, and resolved to 
have brought them before his new high court of 
searches, in order, as was believed, to have them all 
displaced. 

And now all began to be in a flame ; the solicita- 
tions of the Solunarian party having obtained 
powerful relief abroad, they began to make suitable 
preparations at home. The gentry and nobility 
who the clergy had brought to join with them, fur- 
nished themselves with horses and arms, and pre- 
pared with their tenants and dependants to join the 
succours as soon as they should arrive. 

In short, the foreign troops they had procured, 

CONSOLIDATOR. X 



306 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

arrived, landed, and published a long declaration of 
all the grievances which they came to redress. 

No sooner was this foreign army arrived with the 
prince at the head of them, but the face of affairs 
altered on a sudden. The king indeed, like a brave 
prince, drew all his forces together, and marching 
out of his capital city, advanced above five hundred 
stages, things they measure land with in those 
countries, and much about our furlong, to meet his 
enemy. 

He had a gallant army well appointed and fur- 
nished, and all things much superior to his adver- 
sary, but alas ! the poison of disobedience was gotten 
in there, and upon the first march he offered to 
make towards the enemy one of his great captains 
with a strong party of his men went over and re- 
volted. 

This example was applauded all over the nation, 
and by this time one of the patriarchs, even the 
same mentioned before that had so often preached 
non-resistance of princes, lays by his sacred vest- 
ments, mitre, and staff, and exchanging his robes 
for a soldier's coat, mounts on horseback, and in 
short, appears in arms against his lord. Nor was 
this all, but the treacherous prelate takes along 
with him several Solunarian lords, and persons of 
the highest figure, and of the household and family 
of the king, and with him went the king's own 
daughter, his principal favourites and friends. 

At the news of this, the poor deserted prince lost 
all courage, and abandoning himself to despair, he 
causes his army to retreat without fighting a stroke, 
quits them and the kingdom at once, and takes 
sanctuary with such as could escape with him, in 
the court of a neighbouring prince. 

I have heard this prince exceedingly blamed for 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 307 

giving himself up to despair so soon. That he 
thereby abandoned the best and faithfullest of his 
friends and servants, and left them to the mercy of 
the Solunarians ; that when all those that would 
have forsaken him were gone, he had forces equal 
to his enemies ; that his men were in heart, fresh 
and forward ; that he should have stood to the last ; 
retreated to a strong town, where his ships rode, and 
which was over-against the territories of his great 
ally, to whom he might have delivered up the ships 
which were there, and have thereby made him 
superior at sea to his enemies, and he was already 
much superior at land ; that there he might have 
been relieved with forces too strong for them to 
match, and at least might have put it to the issue of a 
fair battle. Others, that he might have retreated to his 
own court, and capital city, and taking possession 
of the citadel, which was his own, might so have 
awed the citizens, who were infinitely rich and nu- 
merous, with the apprehensions of having their 
houses burnt, they would not have dared to have 
declared for his enemies, for fear of being reduced 
to heaps and ruins ; and that at last he might have 
set the city on fire in five hundred places, and left 
the Solunarian churchmen a token to remember 
their non-resisting doctrine by, and yet have made 
an easy retreat down the harbour, to other forts he 
had below, and might with ease have destroyed all 
the shipping as he went. 

It is confessed, had he done either, or both these 
things, he had left them a dearbought victory ; but 
he was deprived of his counsellor, for as soon as 
things came to this height, the Achitophel we 
have so often mentioned, left him also, and went 
away ; all his Abrogratzian priests too forsook him, 
and he was so bereft of counsel that he fell into the 
hands of his enemies as he was making his escape; 

s:2 



308 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

but he got away again, not without the connivance 
of the enemy, who were willing enough he should 
go ; so he got a vessel to carry him over to the 
neighbouring kingdom, and all his armies, ships, 
forts, castles, magazines, and treasure, fell into his 
enemies' hands. 

The neighbouring prince entertained him very 
kindly, cherished him, succoured him, and furnished 
him with armies and fleets for the recovery of his 
dominions, which has occasioned a tedious war with 
that prince, which continues to this day. 

Thus far, passive doctrines and absolute submis- 
sion served a turn, bubbled the prince, wheedled 
him in to take their word who professed it, till he 
laid his finger upon the men themselves, and that 
unravelled all the cheat ; they were the first that 
called in foreign power, and took up arms against 
their prince. 

Nor did they end here, but all this scene being 
over, and the foreign prince having thus delivered 
them, and their own king being thus chased away, 
the people call themselves together, and as reason 
good, having been delivered by him from the mise- 
ries, brangles, oppressions, and divisions of the for- 
mer reign, they thought they could do no less than 
to crown their deliverer ; and having summoned a 
general assembly of all their capital men, they gave 
the crown to this prince who had so generously 
saved them. 

And here again, I heard the first king exceed- 
ingly blamed for quitting his dominions, for had he 
stayed here, though he had actually been in their 
hands, unless they would have murdered him, they 
could never have proceeded to the extremities they 
did reach to, nor could they ever have crowned the 
other prince, he being yet alive, and in his own do- 
minions. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 309 

But by quitting the country, they fixed a legal 
period to their obedience, he having deserted their 
protection and defence, and openly laid down the 
administration. 

But as these sort of politics cannot be decided by 
us, unless we know the constitutions of those lunar 
regions, so we cannot pretend to make a decision 
of what might, or might not have happened. 

It remains to examine how those Solunarians be- 
haved themselves, who had so earnestly cried up 
the principles of obedience and absolute submis- 
sion. 

Nothing was so ridiculous : now they saw what 
they had done, they began to repent, and upon re- 
collection of thoughts some were so ashamed of 
themselves, that having broken their doctrine, and 
being now called upon to transpose their allegiance, 
truly they stopped in the midway, and so became 
martyrs on both sides. 

I can liken these to nothing so well as to those 
gentlemen of our English church, who though they 
broke into the principles of passive obedience by 
joining and calling over the P. of O., yet suffered 
deprivations of benefices, and loss of their livings, 
for not taking the oath ; as if they had not as effec- 
tually perjured themselves by taking up arms against 
their king, and joining a foreign power, as they 
could possibly do afterward, by swearing to live 
quietly under the next king. 

But these nice gentlemen are infinitely outdone 
in these countries ; for these Solunarians, by a true 
church turn, not only refuse to transpose their al- 
legiance, but pretend to wipe their mouths as to 
former taking arms, and return to their old doc- 
trines of absolute submission, boast of martyrdom, 
and boldly reconcile the contraries of taking up 
arms, and non-resistance, charging all their bre- 



310 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

thren with schism, rebellion, perjury, and the damn- 
able sin of resistance. 

Nor is this all ; for as a great many of these Solu- 
narian churchmen had no affection to this new 
prince, but were not equally furnished or qualified 
for martyrdom with their brethren, they went to 
certain wise men, who being cunning at splitting 
hairs, and making distinctions, might perhaps fur- 
nish them with some mediums between loyalty and 
disloyalty; they applied themselves with great dili- 
gence to these men, and they, by deep study, and 
long search, either found or made the quaintest de- 
vice for them that ever was heard of. 

By this unheard-of discovery, to their great joy 
and satisfaction, they have arrived at a power which 
all the wise men in our world could never pretend 
to ; and which it is thought, could the description 
of it be regularly made, and brought down hither, 
would serve for the satisfaction and repose of a 
great many tender consciences, who are very uneasy 
at swearing to save their benefices. 

These great masters of distinction have learned 
to distinguish between active swearing and passive 
swearing, between de facto loyalty and de jure 
loyalty, and by this decent acquirement they ob- 
tained the art of reconciling swearing allegiance 
without loyalty, and loyalty without swearing, so 
that native and original loyalty may be preserved 
pure and uninterrupted, in spite of all subsequent 
oaths, to prevailing usurpations. 

Many are the mysteries and vast the advantages 
of this new invented method ; mental reservations, 
inuendoes, and double meanings, are toys to this, 
for they may be provided for in the literal terms of 
an oath, but no provision can be made against this ; 
for these men, after they have taken the oath, make 
DO scruple to declare they only swear to be quiet 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 311 

as long as they can make no disturbance ; that they 
are left at liberty still to espouse the interest and 
cause of their former prince ; they nicely distinguish 
between obedience and submission, and tell you, a 
slave taken into captivity, though he swears to live 
peaceably, does not thereby renounce his allegiance 
to his natural prince, nor abridge himself of a right 
to attempt his own liberty, if ever opportunity pre- 
sent. 

Had these neat distinctions been found out be- 
fore, none of our Solunarian clergy, no, not the 
patiiarchs themselves surely, would have stood out, 
and suffered such depredations on their fortunes 
and characters as they did ; they would never have 
been such fools to have been turned out of their 
livings for not swearing, when they might have 
leaned here that they might have swore to one 
prin(e, and yet have retained their allegiance to 
anotier ; might have taken an oath to the new, 
with)ut impeachment of their old oaths to the absent 
prime. It is great pity these gentlemen had not 
gone up to the moon for instruction in this difficult 
case. 

Tlere they might have met with excellent logi- 
cians men of most sublime reasons : Dr. Overall, 
Dr. Sierlock, and all our nice examiners of these 
thing, would appear to be nobody to them ; for as 
the jeople in these regions have an extraordinary 
eyesij'ht, and the clearness of the air contributes 
much to the help of their optics, so they have with- 
out diubt a proportioned clearness of discerning, by 
whicl they see as far into millstones, and all sorts 
of soids, as the nature of things will permit ; but 
above all, their faculties are blessed with two ex- 
ceediig advantages. 

1. Vith an extraordinary distinguishing power, 
by wfich they can distinguish even indivisibles, 



312 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

part unity itself, divide principles, and distinguish 
truth into such and so many minute particles, till 
they dwindle it away into a very nose of wax, and 
mould it into any form they have occasion for, by 
which means they can distinguish themselves into 
or out of any opinion, either in religion, politics, or 
civil right, that their present emergencies may «all 
for. 

2. Their reasoning faculties have this further ad- 
vantage ; that upon occasion they can see clearly for 
themselves, and prevent others from the same lis- 
covery, so that when they have occasion to see any- 
thing which presents for their own advantage, they 
can search into the particulars, make it clear to 
themselves, and yet let it remain dark and mySeri- 
ous to all the world besides. Whether this is per- 
formed by their exceeding penetration, or by casting 
an artificial veil over the understandings of the 
vulgar, authors have not yet determined ; but that 
the fact is true, admits of no dispute. 

And the wonderful benefit of these thin^ in 
point of dispute is extraordinary, for they cai see 
clearly they have the better of an argument, vhen 
all the rest of the world think they have lot a 
word to say for themselves : it is plain to then^ that 
this or that proves a thing, when nature, by conmon 
reasoning, knows no such consequences. 

I confess I have seen some weak attempts a this 
extraordinary talent, particularly in the dispues in 
England between the church and the disseJters, 
and between the high and low church ; wlerein 
people have tolerably well convinced themelves 
when nobody else could see anything of the natter, 

as particularly the famous Mr. W ly abort the 

antimonarchical principles taught in the dissaters' 

academies ; ditto in L sly, about the dissnters 

burning the city, and setting fire to theii own 



THE CONSOLIDATOR, 3 I 3 

houses to destroy their neighbours' ; and another 
famous author, who proved that Christopher Love 
lost his head for attempting to pull down monarchy 
by restoring king Charles the Second. 

These indeed are some faint resemblances of 
what I am upon ; but alas ! these are tender sort of 
people, that have not obtained a complete victory 
over their consciences, but suffer that trifle to re- 
proach them all the while they are doing it, to 
rebel against their resolved wills, and check them 
in the middle of the design : from which interrup- 
tions arise palpitations of the heart, sickness and 
squeamishness of stomach; and these have proceeded 
to castings and vomit, whereby they have been 
forced sometimes to throw up some such unhappy 
truths as have confounded all the rest, and flown 
in their own faces so violently, as in spite of 
custom has made them blush and look downward : 
and though in kindness to one another they have 
carefully licked up one another's filth, yet this un- 
happy squeamishness of stomach has spoiled all the 
design, and turned the appetites of their party, to the 
no small prejudice of a cause that stood in need of 
more art and more face to carry it on as it should 
be with a thoroughpaced casehardened policy, 
such as I have been relating is completely obtained 
in these regions, where the arts and excellences of 
sublime reasonings are carried up to all the extra- 
ordinaries of banishing scruples, reconciling con- 
tradictions, uniting opposites, and all the necessary 
circumstances required in a complete casuist. 

It is not easily conceivable to what extraordinary 
flights they have carried this strength of reasoning; 
for besides the distinguishing nicely between truth 
and error, they obtain a most refined method of 
distinguishing truth itself into seasons and circum- 
stances, and so can bring anything to be truth, 



314 THE CO\ SOLID ATOR. 

when it serves the turn that happens just then to 
be needful, and make the same thing to be false at 
another time. 

And this method of circumstantiating matters of 
fact into truth or falsehood, suited to occasion, is 
found admirably useful to the solving the most dif- 
ficult phenomena of state ; for by this art the So- 
lunarian church made persecution be against their 
principles at one time, and reducible to practice at 
another. They made taking up arms, and calling 
in foreign power to depose their prince, consistent 
with non-resistance and passive obedience ; nay, 
they went further, they distinguished between a 
Crolian's taking arms, and a Solunarian's, and fairly 
proved this to be rebellion, and that to be non-re- 
sistance. 

Nay, and which exceeded all the power of human 
art in the highest degrees of attainment that ever 
it arrived to on our side the moon, they turned 
the tables so dexterously, as to argument upon one 
sort of Crolians, called Prestarians, that though 
they repented of the war they had raised in former 
times, and protested against the violence offered 
their prince, and after another party had in spite 
of them beheaded him, took arms against the other 
party, and never left contriving their ruin till 
they had brought in his son, and set him upon the 
throne again. 

Yet by this most dexterous way of twisting, ex- 
tending, contracting, and distinguishing of phrases 
and reasoning, they presently made it as plain as the 
sun at noonday, that these Prestarians were king- 
killers, commonwealths-men, rebels, traitors, and 
enemies to monarchy : that they restored the mon- 
archy only in order to destroy it, and that they 
preached up sedition, rebellion, and the like : this 
was proved so plain by these sublime distinctions, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 315 

that they convinced themselves and their posterity 
of it, by a rare and newly acquired art, found out 
by extraordinary study, which proves the wonderful 
power of custom, insomuch, that let any man by 
this method tell a lie over a certain number of 
times, he shall arrive to a satisfaction of its cer- 
tainty though he knew it to be a fiction before, and 
shall freely tell it for a truth all his life after. 

Thus the Prestarians were called the murderers of 
the father though they restored the son, and all the 
testimonials of their sufferings, protests, and insur- 
rections, to prevent his death, signified nothing, for 
this method of distinguishing has that powerful 
charm in it, that all those trifles we call proofs 
and demonstration were of no use in that case. 
Custom brought the story up to a truth, and in an 
instant all the Crolians were hooked in under the 
general name of Prestarians, at the same time to 
hook all parties in the crime. 

Now as it happened at last that these Solunarian 
gentlemen found it necessary to do the same thing 
themselves, viz., to lay aside their loyalty, depose, 
fight against, shoot bullets at, and throw bombs at 
their king till they frighted him away, and sent him 
abroad to beg his bread, the Crolians began to 
take heart, and tell them, now they ought to be 
friends with them, and tell them no more of rebel- 
lion and disloyalty ; nay, they carried it so far as 
to challenge them to bring their loyalty to the test, 
and compare Crolian loyalty and Solunarian loyalty 
together, and see who had raised more wars, taken 
up arms oftenest, or appeared in most rebellions 
against their kings ; nay, who had killed most 
kings, the Crolians or the Solunarians ; for there 
having been then newly fought a great battle be- 
tween the Solunarian churchmen under their new 
prince and the armies of foreign succours under their 



316 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

old king, in which their old king was beaten and 
forced to fly a second time, the Crolians told them 
that every bullet they shot at the battle was as 
much a murdering their king, as cutting off the 
head with a hatchet was a killing his father. 

These arguments in our world would have been 
unanswerable, but when they came to be brought to 
the test of lunar reasoning, alas they signified no- 
thing; they distinguished and distinguished till 
they brought the Prestarian war to be mere rebel- 
lion, king-killing bloody and unnatural, and the 
Solunarian fighting against their king, and turning 
him adrift to seek his fortune, no prejudice at all 
to their loyalty, no, nor to the famous doctrine of 
passive obedience and absolute subjection. 

When I saw this, I really bewailed the unhappi- 
ness of some of our gentlemen in England, who 
standing exceedingly in need of such a wonderful 
dexterity of argument to defend their share in our 
late Revolution, and to reconcile it to their antece- 
dent and subsequent conduct, should not be furnished 
from this more accurate world with the suitable 
powers, in order the better to defend them against 
the banter and just raillery of their ill-natured ene- 
mies the whigs. 

By this they might have attained suitable reserves 
of argument to distinguish themselves out of their 
loyalty, and into their loyalty, as occasion pre- 
sented to dismiss this prince, and entertain that, 
as they found it to their purpose ; but above all, 
they might have learnt a way how to justify swearing 
to one king and praying for another, eating one 
prince's bread and doing another prince's work, 
serving one king they don't love and loving another 
they don't serve ; they might easily reconcile the 
schisms of the church, and prove they are still loyal 
subjects to king James, while they are only forced 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 317 

bondsmen to the Act of Settlement, for the sake of 
that comfortable importance, called food and raiment; 
and thus their reputation might have been saved, 
which is most unhappily tarnished and blurred, with 
the malicious attacks of the whigs on one hand, and 
the non-jurants on the other. 

These tax them, as above, with rebellion by their 
own principles, and contradicting the doctrine of pas- 
sive submission and non-resistance, by taking up arms 
against their prince, calling in a foreign power, and 
deposing him ; they charge them with killing the 
Lord's anointed, by shooting at him at the Boyne, 
where if he was not killed it was his own fault, at 
least it is plain it was none of theirs. 

On the other hand, the non-jurant clergy charge 
them with schism, declare the whole church of 
England schismatics, and breakers-ofF from the 
general union of the church, in renouncing their 
allegiance, and swearing to another power, their 
former prince being yet alive. 

It is confessed all the answers they have been able 
to make to these things, are very weak and mean, 
unworthy men of their rank and capacities, and it 
is pity they should not be assisted by some kind 
communication of these lunar arguments and dis- 
tinctions, without which, and till they can obtain 
which, a conforming Jacobite must be the absurdest 
contradiction in nature ; a thing that admits of no 
manner of defence, no, not by the people themselves, 
and which they would willingly abandon, but that 
they can find no side to join with them. 

The dissenting Jacobites have some plea for them- 
selves, for let their opinion be never so repugnant 
to their own interest, or general vogue, they are 
faithful to something, and they won't join with these 
people, because they have perjured their faith, and 
yet pretend to adhere to it at the same time. The 



318 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

conforming whigs won't receive them, because they 
pretend to rail at the government they have sworn 
to, and espouse the interest they have sworn against ; 
so that these poor creatures have but one way left 
them, which is to go along with me, next time I 
travel to the moon, and that will most certainly do 
their business, for when they come down again, they 
will be quite another sort of men ; the distinctions, 
the power of argument, the way of reasoning they 
will be then furnished with, will quite change the 
scene of the world with them, they will certainly be 
able to prove they are the only people, both injustice, 
in politics, and in prudence ; that the extremes of 
every side are in the wrong ; they will prove their 
loyalty preserved, untainted, through all the swear- 
ings, fightings, shootings, and the like, and nobody 
will be able to come to the test with them ; so that 
upon the whole, they are all distracted if they don't 
go up to the moon for illumination, and that they 
may easily do in the next Consolidator. 

But as this is a very long digression, and for 
which I am to beg my reader's pardon, being an 
error I slipt into from my abundant respect to these 
gentlemen, and for their particular instruction, 1 
shall endeavour to make my reader amends by 
keeping more close to my subject. 

To return therefore to the historical part of the 
Solunarian churchmen, in the world in the moon. 

Having, as is related, deposed their king, and 
placed the crown upon the head of the prince that 
came to their assistance, a new scene began all over 
the kingdom. 

J . A terrible and bloody war began through all 
the parts of the lunar world, where their banished 
prince and his new ally had any interest ; and the 
new king having a universal character over all the 
northern kingdoms of the moon, he brought in a 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 319 

great many potent kings, princes, emperors and 
states, to take part with him, and so it became the 
most general war that had happened in those ages. 
I did not trouble myself to inquire into the par- 
ticular successes of this war, but at what had a more 
particular regard to the country from whence I came, 
and for whose instruction I have designed these 
sheets, the strife of parties, the internal feuds at home, 
and their analogy to ours ; and whatever is instruc- 
tively to be deduced from them, was the subject of 
immediate inquiry. 

No sooner was this prince placed on the throne, 
but according to his promises to them that invited 
him over, he convened the estates of the realm, and 
giving them free liberty to make, alter, add or 
repeal, all such laws as they thought fit, it must be 
their own fault if they did not establish themselves 
upon such foundation of liberty, and right, as they 
desired ; for he gave them their full swing, never 
interposed one negative upon them for several years, 
and let them do almost everything they pleased. 

This full liberty had like to have spoiled all ; for, 
as is before noted, this nation had one unhappy 
quality they could never be broke of, always to be 
falling out one among another. 

The Crolians, according to capitulation, demanded 
the full liberty and toleration of religion, which the 
Solunarians had conditioned with them for, when 
they drew them off from joining with the old king, 
and when they promised to come to a temper, and 
to be brethren in peace and love ever after. 

Nor were the Solunarian churchmen backward, 
either to remember or perform the conditions ; but 
by the consent of the king, who had been by agree 
ment made guarantee of their former stipulations, 
an act was drawn up in full form, and as complete, 
as both satisfied the desires of the Crolians, and 



320 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

testified the honesty and probity of the Solunarians, 
as they were abstractedly and moderately consi- 
dered. 

During the whole reign of this king, this union of 
parties continued without any considerable interrup- 
tion ; there was indeed brooding mischiefs which 
hovered over every accident, in order to generate 
strife, but the candour of the prince, and the pru- 
dence of his ministers, kept it under for a long time. 
At last an occasion offered itself, which gave an 
unhappy stroke to the nation's peace. The king, 
through innumerable hazards, terrible battles, and 
a twelve years' war, had reduced his powerful adver- 
sary to such a necessity of peace, that he became 
content to abandon the fugitive king, and to own 
the title of this warlike prince ; and upon these, 
among various other conditions, very honourable 
for him and his allies, and by which vast conquests 
were surrendered, and disgorged to the losers, a 
peace was made to the universal satisfaction of all 
those parts of the moon that had been involved in 
a tiresome and expensive war. 

This peace was no sooner made, but the inhabi- 
tants of this unhappy country, according to the 
constant practice of the place, fell out in the most 
horrid manner among themselves, and with the very 
prince that had done all these great things for them; 
and I cannot forget how the old gentleman I had 
these relations from, being once deeply engaged in 
discourse with some senators of that country, and 
hearing them reproach the memory of that prince 
from whom they received so much, and on the foot 
of whose gallantry and merit the constitution then 
subsisted, it put him into some heat, and he told 
them to their faces that they were guilty both of 
murder and ingratitude. 

I thought the charge was very high, but as they -, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 321 

returned upon him, and challenged him to make it 
out, he answered he was ready to do it, and went 
on thus : 

His majesty, said he, left a quiet, retired, com- 
pletely happy condition, full of honour, beloved of 
his country, valued and esteemed, as well as feared 
by his enemies, to come over hither at your own 
request, to deliver you from the encroachments 
and tyranny, as you called it, of your prince. 

Ever since he came hither, he has been your 
mere journeyman, your servant, your soldier of 
fortune ; he has fought for you, fatigued and ha- 
rassed his person, and robbed himself of all his 
peace for you ; he has been in a constant hurry, 
and run through a million of hazards for you ; he 
has conversed with fire and blood, storms at sea, 
camps and trenches ashore, and given himself no 
rest for twelve years, and all for your use, safety, 
and repose. In requital of which, he has been al- 
ways treated with jealousies and suspicions, with 
reproaches and abuses of all sorts, and on all occa- 
sions, till the ungrateful treatment of the Soluna- 
rians eat into his very soul, tired it with serving an 
unthankful nation, and absolutely broke his heart ; 
for which reason 1 think him as much murdered as 
his predecessor was, whose head was cut off by his 
subjects. 

I could not, when this was over, but ask the old 
gentleman, what was the reason of his exclamation, 
and how it was the people treated their prince upon 
this occasion. 

He told me it was a grievous subject, and a long 
one, and too long to rehearse, but he would give 
me a short abridgment of it ; and not to look back 
into his wars, in which he was abominably ill 
served, his subjects constantly ill treated him in 
giving him supplies too late, that he could not get 

CONSOLIDATOR. Y 



322 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

into the field, nor forward his preparations in time 
to be ready for his enemies, who frequently were 
ready to insult him in his quarters. 

By giving him sham taxes and funds, that raised 
little or no money, by which he, having borrowed 
money of his people by anticipation, the funds not 
answering, he contracted such vast debts as the 
nation could never pay, which brought the war into 
disrepute, sunk the credit of his exchequer, and 
filled the nation with murmurs and complaint. 

By betraying his counsel and well-laid designs to 
his enemies, selling their native country to fo- 
reigners, retarding their navies and expeditions, 
till the enemies were provided to receive them, 
betraying their merchants and trade, spending vast 
sums to fit out fleets, just time enough to go abroad 
and do nothing, and then get home again. 

But as these were too numerous evils, and too 
long to repeat, the particular things he related to 
me in his discourse, were these that follow : 

There had been a hasty peace concluded with a 
furious and powerful enemy, the king foresaw it 
would be of no continuance, and that the demise of 
a neighbouring king, who, by all appearance, could 
not live long, would certainly embroil them again. 
He saw that prince keep up numerous legions of 
forces, in order to be in a posture to break the 
peace with advantage. This the king fairly repre- 
sented to them, and told them the necessity of 
keeping up such a force, and for such a time, at 
least, as might be necessary to awe the enemy from 
putting any affront upon them in case of the death 
of that prince, which they daily expected. 

The party who had all along maligned the pros- 
perity of this prince, took fire at the offer, and here 
began another state plot, which though it hooked 
in tw^o or three sets of men for different ends, yet 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 323 

altogether joined in affronting and ill treating their 
prince, upon this article of the army. 

The nation had been in danger enough from the 
designs of former princes invading their privileges, 
and putting themselves in a posture to tyrannise by 
the help of standing forces; and the party that first 
took fire at this proposal, though the very same 
men who, in the time of an Abrogratzian prince, 
were for caressing him, and giving him thanks for 
his standing army, as has been noted before, were 
the very people that began the outcry against this 
demand ; and so specious were the pretences they 
made, that they drev/ in the very Crolians them- 
selves, upon the pretence of liberty, and exemption 
from arbitrary methods of government, to oppose 
their king. 

It grieved this good prince to be suspected of 
tyrannic designs, and that by a nation who he had 
done so much, and ventured so far, to save from 
tyranny and standing armies ; it was in vain he 
represented to them the pressing occasion ; in vain 
he gave them a description of approaching dangers, 
and the threatening posture of the enemy's armies ; 
in vain he told them of the probabilities of renew- 
ing the war, and how keeping but a needful force 
might be a means of preventing it ; in vain he 
proposed the subjecting what force should be neces- 
sary to the absolute power, both as to time and 
number, of their own cortez or national assembly. 

It was all one; the design being formed in the 
breasts of those who were neither friends to the 
nation, nor the king, those reasons which would 
have been of force in another case, made them the 
more eager ; bitter reflections were made on the 
king, and scurrilous lampoons published upon the 
subject of tyrants, and governing by armies. 

Nothing could be more ungrateful to a generous 

Y 2 



324 THE CON SOLID ATOR. 

prince, nor could anything more deeply affect this 
king, than whom none ever had a more genuine, 
single-hearted design for the people's good ; but 
above all, like Caesar in the case of Brutus, it 
heartily moved him to find himself pushed at by 
those very people whom he had all along seen pre- 
tending to adhere to his interest, and the public 
benefit, which he had always taken care should 
never be parted ; and to find these people join 
against this proposal, as a design against their 
liberties, and as a foundation of tyranny, heartily 
and sensibly afflicted him. 

It was a strange mystery, and not easily un- 
riddled, that those men who had always a known 
aversion to the interest of the deposed king, should 
fall in with this party ; and those that were friends 
to the general good, never forgave it them. 

All that could be said to excuse them, was the 
plot I am speaking of, that by carrying this point 
for that party, they hooked in those forward people 
to join in a popular cry of liberty and property, 
things they were never fond of before, and to make 
some settlement of the people's claims which they 
always had opposed, and which they would since 
have been very glad to have repealed. 

So great an ascendant had the personal spleen of 
this party over their other principles, that they 
were content to let the liberties of the people be 
declared in their highest claims, rather than not 
obtain this one article, which they knew would so 
exceedingly mortify their prince, and strengthen 
the nation's enemies. They freely join in acts of 
succession, abjuration, declaration of the power 
and claims of the people, and the superiority of 
their right to the prince's prerogative, and abund- 
ance of such things, which they could never be 
otherwise brought to. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 325 

It is true these were great things, but it was 
thought all this might have been obtained in con- 
junction with their prince, rather than by putting 
affronts and mortifications upon the man that had, 
next to the influence of heaven, been the only 
agent of restoring them to a power and capacity of 
enjoying as well as procuring such things as 
national privileges. 

It was vigorously alleged that standing armies 
in times of peace, were inconsistent with the public 
safety, the laws and constitutions of all the nations 
in the moon. 

But these allegations were strenuously answered, 
that it was true without the consent of the great 
national council, it was so, but that being obtained, 
it was not illegal, and public necessities might 
make that consent not only legal, but convenient. 

It was all to no purpose, the whole was carried 
with a torrent of clamour and reflection against the 
good prince, who consented, because he would in 
nothing oppose the current of the people ; but 
withal, told them plainly what would be the conse- 
quences of their heat, which they have effectually 
found true since to their cost, and to the loss of 
some millions of treasure. 

For no sooner was this army broke, which was 
the best ever that nation saw, and was justly the 
terror of the enemy, but the great monarch we 
mentioned before, broke all measures with this 
prince and the confederate nations, a proof what 
just apprehensions they had of his conduct, at the 
head of such an army. For they broke with con- 
tempt, a treaty which the prince upon a prospect of 
this unkindness of his people had entered into with 
the enemy, and which he engaged in, if possible, to 
prevent a new war, which he foresaw he should be 
very unfit to begin, or carry on, and which they 



328 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

would never have dared to break had not this feud 
happened. 

It was but a little before I came into this country, 
when such repeated accounts came of the encroach- 
ments, insults, and preparations of their great pow- 
erful neighbour, that all the world saw the necessity 
of a war, and the very people who were to feel it 
most applied to the prince to begin it. 

He was forward enough to begin it, and in com- 
pliance with his people, resolved on it; but the 
grief of the usage he had received, the unkind treat- 
ment he had met with from those very people that 
brought him thither, had sunk so deep upon his 
spirits, that he could never recover it ; but being 
very weak in body and mind, and joined to a slight 
hurt he received by a fall from his horse, he died, 
to the unspeakable grief of all his subjects that 
wished well to their native country. 

This was the melancholy account of this great 
prince's end, and I have been told that once every 
year there is a kind of fast, or solemn comme- 
moration kept up for the murder of that former 
prince, who, as I noted, was beheaded by his sub- 
jects ; so it seems some of the people, who are of 
opinion this prince was murdered by the ill treat- 
ment of his friends, a way which, I must own, is the 
cruellest of deaths, keep the same day, to comme- 
morate his death ; and this is a day in which it 
seems both parties are very free with one another, 
as to raillery and ill language. 

But the friends of this last prince have a double 
advantage, for they also commemorate the birth- 
day of this prince, and are generally very merry on 
that day ; and the custom is, at their feast on that 
day, just like our drinking healths, they pledge one 
another to the immortal memory of their deliverer. 
As the historical part of this matter was absolutely 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 327 

necessary to introduce the following remarks, and 
to instruct the ignorant in those things, I hope it 
shall not be thought a barren digression, especially 
when I shall tell you that it is a most exact repre- 
sentation of what is yet to come in a scene of affairs, 
of which I must make a short abstract by way of 
introduction. 

The deceased prince we have heard of, was suc- 
ceeded by his sister-in-law, the second, daughter of 
the banished prince, a lady of an extraordinary 
character, of the old race of their kings, a native by 
birth, a Solunarian by profession ; exceeding pious, 
just, and good, of an honesty peculiar to herself, 
and for which she was justly beloved of all sorts and 
degrees of her subjects. 

This princess having the experience of her fa- 
ther and grandfather before her, joined to her own 
prudence and honesty of design, it was no wonder 
if she prudently shunned all manner of rash counsels, 
and endeavoured to carry it with a steady hand be- 
tween her contending parties. 

At her first coming to the crown, she made a so- 
lemn declaration of her resolutions for peace and 
just government ; she gave the Crolians her royal 
word, that she would inviolably preserve the tolera- 
tion of their religion and worship, and always afford 
them her protection, and by this she hoped they 
would be easy. 

But to the Solunarians, as those among whom she 
had been educated, and whose religion she had al- 
ways professed, been trained up in, and piously pur- 
sued, she expressed herself with an uncommon 
tenderness; told them they should be the men of her 
favour, and those that were most zealous for that 
church should have most of her countenance ; and 
she backed this soon after with an unparalleled act 
of royal bounty to them, freely parting with a con- 



328 THE CONSOLIDATOR. i 

siderable branch of her royal revenue for the poorl 
priests of that religion, of which there were manyr 
in the remote parts of her kingdom. j 

What vast consequences, and prodigiously differ--] 
ing from the design, may words have when mis 
taken and misapplied by the hearers. Never werci 
significant expressions spoken from a sincere, ho- i 
nest, and generous principle, with a single design to 
engage all the subjects in the moon to peace and 
union, so perverted, misapplied, and turned by a 
party, to a meaning directly contrary to the royal 
thoughts of the queen : for from this very expres- 
sion, ' most zealous,' grew all the divisions and sub- 
divisions in the Solunarian church, to the ruin of 
their own cause, and the vast advantage of the Cro- 
lian interest. The eager men of the church, espe- 
cially those we have been taking of, hastily catched 
at this expression of the queen, ^ most zealous,' and 
millions of fatal constructions and unhappy conse- 
quences they made of it, some of which are as follows: 

1. They took it to imply that the queen, whatever 
she had said to the Crolians, really designed their 
destruction, and that those that were of that opinion, 
must be meant by the 'most zealous' members of the 
Solunarian church, and they could understand zeal 
no otherwise than in their own way. 

2. From this speech, and their mistaking the 
words ' most zealous,' arose an unhappy distinction 
among the Solunarians themselves, some zealous, 
some more zealous, which afterwards divided them 
into two most opposite parties, being fomented by an 
accident of a book published on an occasion, of 
which presently. 

The consequences of this mistake appeared pre- 
sently in the most zealous, in their offering all pos- 
sible insults to the Crolian dissenters, preaching 
them down, printing them down, and talking them 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 329 

down, as a people not fit to be suffered in the nation, 
and now they thought they had the game sure. 

' Down with the Crolians' began to be all the cry, 
and truly the Crolians themselves began to be uneasy, 
and had nothing to rely upon but the queen's pro- 
mise, which, however, her majesty always made good 
to them. 

The other party proceeded so far, that they begun 
to insult the very queen herself, upon the matter of her 
word, and one of her college priests told her plainly 
in print, she could not be a true friend to the Solu- 
narian church, if she did not declare war against, 
and root out all the Crolians in her dominions. 

But these proceedings met with a check, by a 
very odd accident : a certain author of those coun- 
tries, a very mean, obscure, and despicable fellow, of 
no great share of wit, but that had a very unlucky 
way of telling his story, seeing which way things 
were agoing, writes a book, and personating this 
high Solunarian zeal, musters up all their argu- 
ments, as if they were his own, and strenuously 
pretends to prove that all the Crolians ought to be 
destroyed, hanged, banished, and the d — 1 and all. 
As this book was a perfect surprise to all the coun- 
try, so the proceedings about it on all sides were as 
extraordinary. 

The Crolians themselves were surprised nt it, and 
so closely had the author couched his design, that 
they never saw the irony of the style, but began to 
look about them to see which w^ay they should fly to 
save themselves. 

The men of zeal we talked of, were so blinded with 
the notion, which suited so exactly with their real 
design, that they hugged the book, applauded the 
unknown author, and placed the book next their 
oracular writings, or laws of religion. 



330 THE COXSOLIUATOR. 

The author was all this while concealed, and the 
paper had all the effect he wished for. 

For as it caused these first gentlemen to caress, 
applaud, and approve it, and thereby discovered their 
real intention, so it met with abhorrence and detest- 
ation in all the men of principles, prudence, and 
moderation, in the kingdom, who though they were 
Solunarians in religion, yet were not for blood, deso- 
lation and persecution of their brethren, but with 
the queen were willing they should enjoy their 
liberties and estates, they behaving themselves 
quietly and peaceably to the government. 

At last it came out that it was writ by a Crolian ; 
but good God ! what a clamour was raised at the 
poor man ; the Crolians flew at him like lightning, 
ignorantly and blindly, not seeing that he had 
sacrificed himself and his fortunes in their behalf; 
they rummaged his character for reproaches, though 
they could find little that way to hurt him ; they 
plentifully loaded him with ill language and railing, 
and took a great deal of pains to let the world see 
their own ignorance and ingratitude. 

The ministers of state, though at that time of the 
fiery party, yet seeing the general detestation of 
such a proposal, and how ill it would go down with 
the nation, though they approved the thing, yet 
began to scent the design, and were also obliged to 
declare against it, for fear of being thought of the 
same mind. 

Thus the author was proscribed by proclamation, 
and a reward of fifty thousand hecatoes, a small 
imaginary coin in those parts, put upon his head. 

The cortes of the nation being at the same time 
assembled, joined in censuring the book, and thus 
the party blindly damned their own principles for 
mere shame of the practice, not daring to own the 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 331 

thing in public which they had underhand professed, 
and the fury of all parties fell upon the poor author. 

The man fled the first popular fury, but at last, 
being betrayed, fell into the hands of the public 
ministry. 

When they had him they hardly knew what to do 
with him ; they could not proceed against him as 
author of a proposal for the destruction of the Cro- 
lians, because it appeared he was a Crolian himself; 
they were loath to charge him with suggesting that 
the Solunarian churchmen were guilty of such a 
design, lest he should bring their own writings to 
prove it true ; so they fell to wheedling him with good 
words to throw himself into their hands and submit, 
giving him that gewgaw the public faith for a civil 
and gentlemanlike treatment: the man, believing 
like a coxcomb that they spoke as they meant, 
quitted his own defence, and threw himself on the 
mercy of the queen, as he thought; but they, abusing 
their queen with false representations, perjured all 
their promises with him, and treated him in a most 
barbarous manner, on pretence that there were no 
such promises made, though he proved it upon them 
by the oath of the persons to whom they Avere 
made. 

Thus they laid him under a heavy sentence, fined 
him more than they thought him able to pay, and 
ordered him to be exposed to the mob in the streets. 

Having him at this advantage, they set upon him 
with their emissaries to discover to them his ad- 
herents, as they called them, and promised him 
great things on one hand, threatening him with his 
utter ruin on the other ; and the great scribe of the 
country, with another of their great courtiers, took 
such a low step as to go to him to the dungeon 
where they had put him, to see if they could tempt 
him to betray his friends. The comical dialogue 



332 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

between them there the author of this has seen in 
manuscript, exceeding diverting, but having not 
time to translate it, it is omitted for the present ; 
though he promises to publish it in its proper season 
for public instruction. 

However, for the present it may suffice to tell 
the world, that neither by promises of reward or 
fear of punishment they could prevail upon him to 
discover anything, and so it remains a secret to this 
day. 

The title of this unhappy book was, the Shortest 
Way with the Crolians, The effects of it were 
various, as will be seen in our ensuing discourse: 
as to the author, nothing was more unaccountable 
than the circumstances of his treatment; for he met 
with all that fate which they must expect who at- 
tempt to open the eyes of a nation wilfully blind. 

The hot men of the Solunarian church damned 
him without bell, book, or candle ; the more moderate 
pitied him, but looked on as unconcerned ; but the 
Crolians, for whom he had run this venture, used 
him worst of all ; for they not only abandoned him, 
but reproached him as an enemy that would have 
them destroyed. So one side railed at him because 
they did understand him, and the other because 
they did not. 

Thus the man sunk under the general neglect, 
was ruined and undone, and left a monument of 
what every man must expect that serves a good 
cause, professed by an unthankful people. 

And here it was I found out that my lunar 
philosopher was only so in disguise, and that he was 
no philosopher, but the very man I have been 
talking of. 

From this book, and the treatment its author re- 
ceived, for they used him with all possible rigour, a 
new scene of parties came upon the stage, and this 



THE CONSOLIDATOK. 333 

queen's reign began to be filled with more divisions 
and feuds than any before her. 

These parties began to be so numerous and violent 
that it endangered the public good, and gave great 
disadvantages to the general affairs abroad. 

The queen invited them all to peace and union, 
but it M^as in vain ; nay, one had the impudence to 
publish that to procure peace and union it was ne- 
cessary to suppress all the Crolians, and have no 
party but one, and then all must be of a mind. 

From this heat of parties all the moderate men 
fell in with their queen, and were heartily for peace 
and union : the other, who were now distinguished 
by the title of high Solunarians, called these all 
Crolians and low Solunarians, and began to treat 
them with more inveteracy than they used to do 
the Crolians themselves, calling them traitors to 
their country, betrayers of their mother, serpents 
harboured in the bosom, who bite, sting, and hiss at 
the hand that succoured them : and, in short, the 
enmity grew so violent, that from hence proceeded 
one of the subtilest, foolishest, deep, shallow con- 
trivances and plots that ever was hatched or set on 
foot by any party of men in the whole moon, at 
least who pretended to any brains, or to half a degree 
of common understanding. 

There had always been dislikes and distastes be- 
tween even the most moderate Solunarians and the 
Crolians, as I have noted in the beginning of this 
relation, and these were derived from dissenting in 
opinions of religion, ancient feuds, private interest, 
education, and the like ; and the Solunarians had 
frequently, on pretence of securing the government, 
made laws to exclude the Crolians from any part of 
the administration, unless they submitted to some re- 
ligious tests and ceremonies which were prescribed 
them. 



334 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

Now as the keeping them out of offices was more 
the design, than the conversion of the Crolians to 
the Sokinarian church, the Crolians, at least many 
of them, submitted to the test, and frequently con- 
formed, to qualify themselves for public employ- 
ments. 

The most moderate of the Solunarians were, in 
their opinion, against this practice, and the high men 
taking advantage of them, drew them in to concur 
in making a law with yet more sev^erity against them, 
effectually to keep them out of employment. 

The low Solunarians were easy to be drawn into 
this project, as it was only a confirming former 
laws of their own making ; and all things run fair 
for the design ; but as the high men had further 
ends in it than barely reducing the Crolians to con- 
formity, they couched so many gross clauses into 
their law, that even the grandees of the Solunarians 
themselves could not comply with ; nay, even the 
patriarchs of the Solunarian church declared against 
it, as tending to persecution and confusion. 

This disappointment enraged the party, and that 
very rage entirely ruined their project ; for now the 
nobility, the patriarchs, and all the wise men of the 
nation, joining together against these men of heat 
and fury, the queen began to see into their designs ; 
and as she was of a most pious and peaceable temper, 
she conceived a just hatred of so wicked and bar- 
barous a design, and immediately dismissed from 
her council and favour the great scribe, and several 
others who were leaders in the design, to the great 
mortification of the whole party, and utter ruin of 
the intended law against the Crolians. 

Here I could not but observe, as I have done be- 
fore in the case of the banished king, how impolitic 
these high Solunarian churchmen acted in all their 
proceedings ; for had they contented themselves by 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 335 

little and little to have done their work, they had 
done it effectually ; but pushing at extremities, they 
overshot themselves, and ruined all. 

For the grandees and patriarchs made but a few tri- 
fling objections at first, nay, and came off, and yielded 
some of them too ; and if these would have con- 
sented to have parted with some clauses which they 
have willingly left out since, they had had it passed; 
but these were as hot men always are, too eager 
and sure of their game, they thought all was their 
own, and so they lost themselves. 

If they railed at the low Solunarian churchmen 
before, they doubled their clamours at them now ; all 
the patriarchs, and all the nobility and grandees, 
nay, even the queen herself, came under their cen- 
sure, and everybody who was not of their mind were 
Prestarians and Crolians. 

As this rage of theirs was implacable, so, as I 
hinted before, it drove them into another subdivi- 
sion of parties, and now began the mysterious plot 
to be laid which I mentioned before ; for the cortes 
being summoned, and the law being proposed, some 
of these high Solunarians appeared in confederacy 
with the Crolians, in perfect confederacy with them, 
a thing nobody would have imagined could ever 
have been brought to pass. 

Novi^ as these sorts of plots must always be car- 
ried very nicely, so these high gentlemen who con- 
federated with the Crolians, having, to spite the 
other, resolved effectually to prevent the passing the 
law against the qualification of the Crolians, it was 
not their business immediately to declare them- 
selves against it as a law, but by still loading it with 
some extravagance or other, and pushing it on to 
some intolerable extreme, secure its miscarriage. 

In the managing this plot, one of their authors 
was specially employed; and that all that was really 



336 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

true of the Crolian dissenters might be ridiculed, 
his work was to draw monstrous pictures of them, 
which nobody could believe ; this took immediately, 
for now people began to look at their shoes to see if 
they were not cloven-footed as they went along the 
streets ; and at last finding they were really shaped 
like the rest of the lunar inhabitants, they went 
back to the author, who was a learned member of a 
certain seminary or brotherhood of the Solunarian 
clergy, and inquired if he were not mad, distracted 
and raving, or moon-blind, and in want of the 
thinking engine ; but finding all things right there, 
and that he was in his senses, especially in a morn- 
ing when he was a little free from, &c., that he was 
a good, honest, jolly Solunarian priest, and no room 
could be found for an objection there ; — ^upon all 
these searches it presently appeared, and all men 
concluded, it was a mere fanatic Crolian plot ; that 
this high party of all were but pretenders, and mere 
traitors to the true high Solunarian churchmen, that, 
wearing the same cloth, had herded among them in 
disguise, only to wheedle them into such wild ex- 
travagances as must of necessity confuse their 
counsels, expose their persons, and ruin their 
cause, according to the like practice put upon 
their Abrogratzian prince, and of which I have 
spoken before. 

And since I am upon the detection of this most 
refined practice, I crave leave to descend to some 
particular instances, which will the better evince 
the truth of this matter, and make it appear that 
either this was really a Crolian plot, or else all 
these people were perfectly distracted ; and as their 
wits in that lunar world are much higher strained 
than ours, so their lunacy, where it happens, must, 
according to the rules of mathematical nature 
bear an extreme equal in proportion. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 337 

This college fury of a man was the first on whom 
this useful discovery was made ; and having writ se- 
veral learned tracts, wherein he invited the people 
to murder and destroy all the Crolians, branded all 
the Solunarian patriarchs, clergy, and gentry, that 
would not come into his proposal, with the name of 
cowards, traitors, and betrayers of lunar religion ; 
having beat the concionazimir at a great assembly 
of the cadirs, or judges, and told them all the Cro- 
lians were devils, and they were all perjured that 
did not use them as such : he carried on matters so 
dexterously, and with such surprising success, that 
he filled even the Solunarians themselves with hor- 
ror at his proposals. And as I happened to be in 
one of their public halls, where all such writings as 
are new are laid a certain time to be read by every 
comer, I saw a little knot of men round a table, 
where one was reading this book. There were two 
Solunarian high priests in their proper vestments, 
one privy-councillor of the state, one other noble- 
man, and one who had in his hat a token to signify 
that he possessed one of the fine feathers of the Con- 
solidator, of which I have given the description al- 
ready. 

The book being read by one of the habited 
priests, he starts up with some warmth, By the 
moon, says he, I have found this fellow out, he is 
certainly a Crolian, a mere prestarian Crolian, and 
is crept into our church only in disguise, for it is 
certain all this is but mere banter and irony, to 
expose us, and to ridicule the Solunarian interest. 

The privy-councillor took it presently. Whether 
he is a Crolian or no, says he, I cannot tell, but he 
has certainly done the Crolians so much service, 
that if they had hired him to act for them, they 
could not have desired he should serve them 
better. 

CONSOLIDATOR. Z 



338 THE CONSOLIBATOR. 

Truly, says the man of the feather, I was always 
for pulling down the Crolians, for I thought them 
dangerous to the state ; but this man has brought 
the matter nearer to my view, and shown me what 
destroying them is, for he put me upon examining 
the consequences, and now I find it would be lop- 
ping off the limbs of the government, and laying it 
at the mercy of the enemy, that they might lop off 
its head ; I assure you he has done the Crolians 
great service, for whereas abundance of our men of* 
the feather were for routing the Crolians, they 
lately fell down to one hundred and thirty-four, or 
thereabouts. 

All this confirmed the first man's opinion, that he 
was a Crolian in disguise, or an emissary employed 
by them to ruin the project of their enemies ; for these 
Crolians are damned cunning people in their way, 
and they have money enough to engage hirelings to 
their side. 

Another party concerned in this plot was an old 
cast out Solunarian priest, who, though professing 
himself a Solunarian, was turned out for adhering 
to the Abrogratzian king, a mighty stickler for the 
doctrine of absolute subjection. 

This man draws the most monstrous picture of a 
Crolian that could be invented, he put him in a 
wolf's skin with long ass's ears, and hung him all 
over full of associations, massacres, persecutions, 
rebellions, and blood. Here the people began to 
stare again, and a Crolian could not go along the 
street but they were always looking for the long 
ears, the wolf's claws, and the like ; till at last no- 
thing of these things appearing, but the Crolians 
looking and acting like other folks, they began to 
examine the matter, and found this was a mere 
Crolian plot too, and this man was hired to run these 
extravagant lengths to point out the right meaning. 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 339 

The discovery being made, people ever since un- 
derstand him, that when he talks of the dissenters' 
associations, murders, persecutions, and the like, 
he means that his readers should look back to the 
murders, oppressions, and persecutions they had suf- 
fered for several past years, and the associations that 
were now forming to bring them into the same con- 
dition again. 

From this famous author I could not but proceed 
to observe the further progress of this most refined 
piece of cunning, among the very great ones, gran- 
dees, feathers, and consolidators of the country. 
For these cunning Crolians managed their intrigues 
so nicely, that they brought about a famous division 
even among the high Solunarian party themselves ; 
and whereas the law of qualification was revived 
again, and in great danger of being completed ; 
these subtle Crolians brought over one hundred and 
thirty-four of the feathers in the famous Consolida- 
tor to be of their side, and to contrive the utter 
destruction of it ; and thus fell the design which 
the high Solunarian churchmen had laid for the 
ruin of the Crolians' interest, by their own friends 
first joining in all the extremes they had proposed, 
and then pushing it so much further, and to such mad 
periods, that the very highest of them stood amazed 
at the design, startled, flew back, and made a full 
stop ; they were willing to ruin the Crolians, but 
they were not willing to ruin the whole nation. The 
more these men began to consider, the more 
furiously these plotters carried on their extrava- 
gances ; at last they made a general push at a 
thing, in which they knew if the other high men 
joined, they must throw all into confusion, bring a 
foreign enemy on their backs, unravel all the thread 
of the war, fight all their victories back again, and 
involve the whole nation in blood and confusion. 

z 2 



340 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

They knew well enough that most of the high 
men would hesitate at this, they knew if they did 
not, the grandees and patriarchs would reject it, and 
so they played the surest game to blast and over- 
throw this law that could possibly be played. 

If any man in the whole world in the moon will 
pretend this was not a plot, a Crolian design, a 
mere conspiracy to destroy the law, let him tell me 
for what other end could these men offer such ex- 
tremes as they needs must know would meet with 
immediate opposition, things that they knew all the 
honest men, all the grandees, all the patriarchs, 
and almost all the feathers would oppose. 

From hence all the men of any foresight brought 
it to this pass, as is before noted, that either these one 
hundred and thirty-four were fools or madmen, or 
that it was a fanatic Crolian plot and conspiracy to 
ruin the making this law, which the rest of the So- 
lunarian churchmen were very forward to carry on. 

I heard indeed some men argue that this could 
not be ; the breach was too wide between the Cro- 
lians and these gentlemen ever to come to such an 
agreement ; but the wiser heads who argued the 
other way, always brought them, as is noted above, 
to this pinch of argument : that either it must be 
so, be a fanatic Crolian plot, or else the men of 
fury were all fools, madmen, and fitter for an hos- 
pital, than a state house, or a pulpit. 

It must be allowed, these Crolians were cunning 
people, thus to wheedle in these high-flying Solu- 
narians to break the neck of their dear project. 

But upon the whole, for aught, I could see, 
whether it went one way or the other, all the nation 
esteemed the other people fools, — fools of the 
most extraordinary size in all the moon, for either 
way they pulled down what they had been many 
years a building. 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 341 

I cannot say that this was in kindness to the 
Crolians, but in mere malice to the low Solunarian 
party, who had the government in their hands, for 
malice always carries men on to monstrous ex- 
tremes. 

Some indeed have thought it hard to call this a 
plot, and a confederacy with the Crolians ; but 
I cannot but think it the kindest thing that can be 
said of them, and that it is impossible those people 
who pushed at some imaginary things in that law, 
could but be in a plot as aforesaid, or be perfectly 
lunatic, downright madmen, or traitors to their 
country, and let them choose which character they 
like. 

I cannot in charity but spare them their 
honesty, and their senses, and attribute it all to 
their policy. 

When I had understood all things at large, and 
found the exceeding depth of the design, I must 
confess the discovery of these things was very 
diverting, and the more so, when I made the proper 
reflections upon the analogy there seemed to be be- 
tween these Solunarian high churchmen in the 
moon, and ours here in England ; our high church- 
men are no more to compare to these, than the 
hundred and thirty-four are to the consolidators. 

Ours can plot now and then a little among them- 
selves, but then it is all gross and plain sailing, down 
right taking arms, calling in foreign forces, assassi- 
nations, and the like ; but these are nothing to the 
more exquisite heads in the moon. For they have 
the subtilest ways with them that ever were heard 
of. They can make war with a prince, on purpose 
to bring him to the crown ; fit out vast navies 
against him that he may have the more leisure 
to take their merchantmen ; make descents upon 
him, on purpose to come home and do nothing ; if 



342 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

they have a mind to a sea-fight, they carefully send 
out admirals that care not to come within half a 
mile of the enemy, that coming off safe they may 
have the boasting part of the victory, and the 
beaten part both together. 

It would be endless to call over the roll of their 
sublime politics. They damn moderation in order 
to peace and union, set the house on fire to save it 
from desolation, plunder to avoid persecution, and 
consolidate things in order to their more immediate 
dissolution. 

Had our high churchmen been masters of these 
excellent arts, they had long ago brought their de- 
signs to pass. 

The exquisite plot of these high Solunarians 
answered the Crolians' end, for it broke all their 
enemies' measures, the law vanished, the grandees 
could hardly be persuaded to read it, and when it 
was proposed to be read again, they hissed at it, and 
threw it by with contempt. 

Nor was this all ; for it nut only lost them their 
design as to this law, but it absolutely broke the 
party, and just as it was with Adam and Eve, as 
soon as they sinned, they quarrelled and fell out 
with one another; so, as soon as things came to 
this height, the party fell out one among another ; 
and even the high men themselves were divided ; 
some were for consolidating, and some not for 
consolidating ; some were for tacking, and some not 
for tacking ; as they were or were not let into the 
secret. 

If this confusion of languages, or interest, lost 
them the real design, it cannot be a wonder. Have 
we not always seen it in our world, that dividing an 
interest, weakens and exposes it ? Has not a great 
many both good and bad designs been rendered 
abortive in this our lower world, for want of the 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 343 

harmony of parties, and the unanimity of those con- 
cerned in the design ? 

How had the knot of rebellion been dissolved in 
England, if it had not been untied by the very 
hands of those that knit it ? All the contrary force 
had been entirely broken and subdued, and the 
restoration of monarchy had never happened in 
England, if union and agreement had been found 
among the managers of that age. 

The enemies of the present establishment have 
shown sufficiently that they perfectly understand 
the shortest way to our infallible destruction, when 
they bend their principal force at dividing us into 
parties, and keeping those parties at the utmost 
variance. 

But this is not all, the author of this cannot but 
observe here, that as England is unhappily divided 
among parties, so it has this one felicity even to be 
fourd in the very matter of her misfortunes, that 
those parties are all again subdivided among them- 
selves. 

How easily might the church have crushed and 
subdued the dissenters, if they had been all as mad as 
one party, if they had not been some high and some 
low churchmen ? And what mischief might not that 
one party have done in this nation, had not they been 
divided again into jurant-Jacobites, and non-jurant ; 
into consolidators, and non-consolidators ? From 
whence it is plain to me, that just as it is in the moon, 
these consolidating churchmen are mere confede- 
rates with the whigs ; and it must be so, unless we 
should suppose them mere madmen, that dont 
know what they are adoing, and who are the 
drudges of their enemies, and know nothing of the 
matter. 

And from this lunar observation it presently 
occurred to my understanding, that my masters, the 



344 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

dissenters, may come in for a share among the 
moon-blind men of this generation, since had they 
done for their own interest what the law fairly ad- 
mits to be done, had they been united among them- 
selves, had they formed themselves into a politic 
body to have acted in a public united capacity by 
general concert, and as persons that had but one 
interest, and understood it, they had never been so 
often insulted by every rising party, they had never 
had so many machines and intrigues to ruin and 
suppress them, they had never been so often 
tacked and consolidated to oppression and persecu- 
tion, and yet never have rebelled or broke the 
peace, incurred the displeasure of their princes, or 
have been upbraided with plots, insurrections, and 
antimonarchical principles ; when they had made 
treaties and capitulations with the church for tem- 
per and toleration, the articles would have been 
kept, and these would have demanded justice with 
an authority that would, upon all occasions, be re- 
spected. 

Were they united in civil polity, in trade, and 
interest, would they buy and sell with one another, 
abstract their stocks, erect banks and companies in 
trade of their own, lend their cash to the govern- 
ment in a body, and as a body. 

If I were to tell them what advantages the Cro- 
lians in the moon make of this sort of management, 
how the government finds it their interest to 
treat them civilly, and use them like subjects of 
consideration ; how upon all occasions some of the 
grandees and nobility appear as protectors of the 
Crolians, and treat with their princes in their 
names, present their petitions, and make demands 
from the prince of such loans and sums of money as 
the public occasions require ; and what abundance 
of advantages are reaped from such an union, both to 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 345 

their own body as a party, and to the government 
also, they would be convinced ; wherefore I cannot 
but very earnestly desire of the dissenters and 
whigs in my own country, that they would take a 
journey in my Consolidator up to the moon, they 
would certainly see there what vast advantages they 
lose for want of a spirit of union, and a concert of 
measures among themselves. 

The Crolians in the moon are men of large souls, 
and generously stand by one another on all occa- 
sions ; it was never known that they deserted any- 
body that suffered for them, my old philosopher ex- 
cepted, and that was a surprise upon them. 

The reason of the difference is plain, our dissen- 
ters here have not the advantage of a Cogitator, or 
thinking engine, as they have in the moon. We 
have the elevator here, and are lifted up pretty 
much, but in the moon they always go into the 
thinking engine upon every emergency, and in this 
they outdo us of this world on every occasion. 

In general, therefore, I must note that the wisest 
men I found in the moon, when they understood 
the notes I had made as above, of the subdivisions 
of our parties, told me that it was the greatest hap- 
piness that could have been obtained to our coun- 
try, for that if our parties had not been thus divided, 
the nation had been undone. They owned that 
had not their Solunarian party been divided among 
themselves, the Crolians had been undone, and all 
the moon had been involved in persecution, and 
been very probably subjected to the Gallunarian 
monarch. 

Thus the fatal errors of men have their advan- 
tages, the separate ends they serve are not foreseen 
by their authors, and they do good against the 
very design of the people, and the nature of the 
evil itself. 



346 THE CONSOLLDATOR. 

And now that I may encourage our people to 
that peace and good understanding among them- 
selves, which can alone produce their safety and 
deliverance, T shall give a brief account how the 
Crolians in the moon came to open their eyes to 
their own interest, how they came to unite, and how 
the fruits of that union secured them from ever 
being insulted again by the Solunarian party, who 
in time gave over the vain and fruitless attempt, 
and so a universal lunar calm has spread the whole 
moon ever since. 

If our people will not listen to their own advan- 
tages, nor do their own business, let them take the 
consequences to themselves, they cannot blame the 
man in the moon. 

To endeavour to bring this to pass, as these 
memoirs have run through the general history of 
the feuds and unhappy breaches between the So- 
lunarian church and the Crolian dissenters in the 
world of the moon, it would seem an imperfect and 
abrupt relation, if I should not tell you how, and 
by what method, though long hid from their eyes, 
the Crolians came to understand their own interest, 
and know their own strength. 

It is true, it seemed a wonder to me when I con- 
sidered the excellence and variety of those perspec- 
tive glasses I have mentioned, the clearness of the 
air, and consequently of the head, in this lunar 
world ; I say it was very strange the Crolians 
should have been moon-blind so long as they were, 
that they could not see it was always in their power 
if they had but pursued their own interest, and 
made use of those legal opportunities which lay be- 
fore them, to put themselves in a posture, as that 
the government itself should think them a body too 
big to be insulted, and find it their interest to keep 
measures with them. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 347 

It was indeed a long time before they opened 
their eyes to these advantages, but bore the insults 
of the hair-brained party, with a weakness and 
negligence that was as unjustifiable in them, as 
unaccountable to all the nations of the moon. 

But at last, as all violent extremes rouse (heir 
contrary extremities, the folly and extravagance of 
the high Solunarians drove the Crolians into their 
senses, and roused them to their own interest, the 
occasion was, among a great many others, as fol- 
lows : 

The eager Solunarians could not on all occasions 
forbear to show their deep regret at the dissenting 
Crolians enjoying the toleration of their religion 
by a law. 

And when all their legal attempts to lessen that 
liberty had proved abortive, her Solunarian majesty 
on all occasions repeating her assurances of the 
continuance of her protection, and particularly the 
maintaining this toleration inviolable, they pro- 
ceeded then to show the remains of their malice, in 
little insults, mean and illegal methods, and con- 
tinual private disturbances upon particular persons, 
in which, however, the Crolians, having recourse to 
the law, always found justice on their side, and 
had redress with advantage, of which the following 
instance is more than ordinarily remarkable : 

There had been a law made by the men of the 
feather, that all the meaner idle sort of people, who 
had no settled way of living, should go to the wars ; 
and the Lazognians, a sort of magistrates there, in 
the nature of our justices of the peace, were to send 
them away by force. 

Now it happened, in a certain Solunarian island, 
that for want of a better, one of their high priests 
was put into the civil administration, and made a 
Lazognian. In the neighbourhood of this man's 



348 THE CONSOLIDATOK. 

jurisdiction, one of their own Solunarian priests had 
turned Crolian, and whether he had a better talent 
at performance, or rather was more diligent in his 
office, is not material, but he set up a kind of a Cro- 
lian temple in an old barn, or some such mechanic 
building, and all the people flocked after him. 

This so provoked his neighbours of the black gir- 
dle, an order of priests, of which he had been one, 
that they resolved to suppress him, let it cost what 
it would. 

They run strange lengths to bring this to pass. 

They forged strange stories of him, defamed him, 
run him into jail upon frivolous and groundless oc- 
casions, represented him as a monster of a man, 
told their story so plain, and made it so specious, 
that even the Crolians themselves, to their shame, 
believed it, and took up prejudices against the poor 
man, which had like to have been his ruin. 

They proscribed him in print for crimes they 
could never prove, they branded him with forgery, 
adultery, drunkenness, swearing, breaking jail, and 
abundance of crimes ; but when matters were ex- 
amined and things came to the test, they could 
never prove the least thing upon him. In this 
manner, however, they continually worried the poor 
man, till they ruined his family and reduced him to 
beggary ; and though he came out of the prison 
they cast him into by the mere force of innocence, 
yet they never left pursuing him with all sorts of 
violence. At last they made use of their brother of 
the girdle, who was in commission as above, and 
this man being high priest and Lazognian too, by the 
first was a party, and by the last had a power to 
act the tragedy they had plotted against the poor 
man. 

In short, they seized him without any crime 
alleged, took violently from him his license, as a 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 349 

Crolian priest, by which the law justified what he 
had done, pretending it was forged, and after very 
ill-treating him, condemned him to the wars, de- 
livers him up for a soldier, and accordingly carried 
him away. 

But it happened, to their great mortification, that 
this man found more mercy from the men of the 
sword, than from those of the word, and so found 
means to get out of their hands, and afterwards to 
undeceive all the moon, both as to his own cha- 
racter, and as to what he had suffered. 

For some of the Crolians, who began to be made 
sensible of the injury done the poor man, advised 
him to have recourse to the law, and to bring his 
adversaries before the criminal bar. 

But as soon as this was done, good God I what a 
scene of villany was here opened ; the poor man 
brought up such a cloud of witnesses to confront 
every article of their charge, and to vindicate his 
own character, that when the very judges heard it, 
though they were all Solunarians themselves, they 
held up their hands, and declared in open court it 
was the deepest track of villany that ever came be- 
fore them, and that the actors ought to be made 
examples to all the moon. 

The persons concerned, used all possible arts to 
avoid, or at least to delay the shame, and adjourn 
the punishment, thinking still to weary the poor 
man out. But now his brethren, the Crolians, began 
to see themselves wounded thi'ough his sides, and 
above all, finding his innocence cleared up beyond all 
manner of dispute, they espoused his cause, and as- 
sisted him to prosecute his enemies, which he did, 
till he brought them all to justice, exposed them to 
the last degree, obtained full reparation of all his 
losses, and a public decree of the judges of his justi- 
fication and future repose. 



350 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

Indeed when I saw the proceedings against this 
poor man run to a height so extravagant and mon- 
strous, when I found malice, forgery, subornation, 
perjury, and a thousand unjustifiable things, which 
their own sense, if they had any, might have been 
their protection against, and which any child in the 
moon might have told them must one time or other 
come upon the state and expose them ; I began to 
think these people were all in the Crolian plot too. 

For really such proceedings as these were the 
greatest pieces of service to the Crolians as could 
possibly be done ; for as it generally proves in other 
places, as well as in the moon, that mischief unjustly 
contrived falls upon the heads of the authors, and 
redounds to their treble dishonour, so it was here ; 
the barbarity and inhuman treatment of this man, 
made the sober and honest part even of the Solu- 
narians themselves blush for their brethren,' and 
own that the punishment awarded on them was just. 
Thus the Crolians got ground by the folly and 
madness of their enemies, and the very engines and 
plots laid to injure them served to bring their ene- 
mies on the stage, and expose both them and their 
cause. 

But this was not all, by these incessant attacks 
on them as a party, they began to come to their 
senses out of a fifty year slumber; they found the 
law on their side, and the government moderate 
and just ; they found they might oppose violence 
with law, and that when they did fly to the refuge 
of justice, they always had the better of their enemy; 
flushed with this success, it put them upon consider- 
ing what fools they had been all along to bear the 
insolence of a few hot-headed men, who contrary to 
the true intent and meaning of the queen, or of the 
government, had resolved their destruction. 

It put them upon revolving the state of their own 



THE CON SOLID ATOR. 351 

case, and comparing it with their enemies' ; upon 
examining on what foot they stood, and though es- 
tablished upon a firm law, yet a violent party push- 
ing at the overthrow of that establishment, and dis- 
solving the legal right they had to their liberty and 
religion ; it put them upon duly weighing the near- 
ness of their approaching rain and destruction, and 
finding things run so hard against them, reflecting 
upon the extremity of their affairs, and how if they 
had not drawn in the high church champions to 
damn the projects of their own party, by running at 
such desperate extremes as all men of any temper 
must of course abhor, they had been undone ; truly 
now they began to consider, and to consult with 
one another what was to be done. 

Abundance of projects were laid before them, 
some too dangerous, some too foolish to be put in 
practice ; at last they resolved to consult with my 
philosopher. 

He had been but scurvily treated by them in his 
troubles, and so universally abandoned by the Cro- 
lians, that even the Solunarians themselves insulted 
them on that head, and laughed at them for expect- 
ing anybody should venture for them again. But 
he, forgetting their unkindness, asked them what it 
was they desired of him ? 

They told him, they had heard that he had re- 
ported he could put the Crolians in a way to secure 
themselves from any possibility of being insulted 
again by the Solunarians, and yet not disturb the 
public tranquillity, nor break the laws ; and they 
desired him, if he knew such a secret, he would 
communicate it to them, and they would be sure to 
remember not to forget him for it as long as he lived. 

He frankly told them he had said so, and it was 
true, he could put them in a way to do all this if 
they would follow his directions. What's that, says 



352 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

one of the most earnest inquirers ? It is included 
in one word, says he, Unite. 

This most significant word, deeply and solidly 
reflected upon, put them upon strange and various 
conjectures, and many long debates they had with 
themselves about it ; at last they came again to 
him, and asked him what he meant by it ? 

He told them he knew they were strangers to 
the meaning of the thing, and therefore if they 
would meet him the next day he would come pre- 
pared to explain himself; accordingly they meet ; 
when, instead of a long speech they expected from 
him, what sort of union he meant, and with who, he 
brings them a Thinking Press, or Cogitator, and 
setting it down, goes away without speaking one 
word. 

This hieroglyphical admonition was too plain not 
to let them all into his meaning ; but still as they 
are an obstinate people, and not a little valuing 
themselves upon their own knowledge and pene- 
tration, they slighted the engine, and fell to off-hand 
surmises, guesses, and supposes. 

1. Some concluded he meant unite with the 80- 
lunarian churchy and they reflected upon his un- 
derstanding, that not being the question in hand, 
and something remote from their intention, or the 
high Sohmarians' desire. 

2. Some meant unite to the moderate party of 
the Solunarians, and this they said they had done 
already. 

At last some being very cunning, found it out, 
that it must be his meaning, unite one among 
another ; and even there again they misunderstood 
him too ; and some imagined he meant downright 
rebellion, uniting power, and mobbing the whole 
moon, but he soon convinced them of that too. 

At last they took the hint, that his advice di- 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 353 

rected them to unite their subdivided parties into 
one general interest, and to act in concert upon 
one bottom ; to lay aside the selfish, narrow, suspi- 
cious spirit, (three qualifications the Crolians were 
but too justly charged with,) and begin to act with 
courage, unanimity, and largeness of soul ; to open 
their eyes to their own interest, maintain a regular 
correspondence with one another in all parts of the 
kingdom, and to bring their civil interest into a form. 

The author of this advice having thus brought 
them to understand and approve his proposal, they 
demanded his assistance for making the essay; and 
it is a most wonderful thing to consider what a 
strange effect the alteration of their measures had 
upon the whole Solunarian nation. 

As soon as ever they had settled the methods 
they resolved to act in, they formed a general 
council of the heads of their party, to be always 
sitting, to reconcile differences, to unite parties, to 
suppress feuds in their beginning. 

They appointed three general meetings in three 
of the most remote parts of the kingdom, to be 
half yearly, and one universal meeting of persons 
deputed to concert matters among them in general. 

By that time these meetings had sat but once, 
and the conduct of the council of twelve began to ap- 
pear, it was a wonder to see the prodigious alteration 
it made all over the country. 

Immediately a Crolian would never buy anything 
but of a Crolian ; would hire no servants, employ 
neither porter nor carman but what were Crolians. 

The Crolians in the country, that wrought and 
managed the manufactures, would employ nobody 
but Crolian spinners, Crolian weavers, and the like. 

In their capital city, the merchandizing Crolians 
would freight no ships but of which the owners and 
commanders were Crolians. 

CONSOLIDATOR. A SL 



354 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

They called all their cash out of the Solunarian 
bank ; and as the act of the cortes, confirming the ! 
bank then in being, seemed to be their support, , 
they made it plain that cash and credit will make a i 
bank without a public settlement of law ; and with- 
out these, all the laws in the moon will never be able 
to support it. 

They brought all their running cash into one 
bank, and settled a sub-cash, depending upon the ! 
grand bank, in every province of the kingdom; in i 
which, by a strict correspondence and crediting 
their bills, they might be able to settle a paper 
credit over the whole nation. 

They went on to settle themselves in all sorts of Ij 
trade in open companies, and sold off their interests 
in the public stocks then in trade. 

If the government wanted a million of money 
upon any emergency, they were ready to lend it as 
a body, not by different sums and private hands 
blended together with their enemies, but, as will 
appear at large presently, it was only Crolian money, 
and passed as such. 

Nor were the consequences of this new model 1 
less considerable than the proposer expected, for 
the Crolians being generally of the trading, manu- 
facturing part of the world, and very rich, the in- 
fluence this method had upon the common people, 
upon trade, and upon the public, was very consider- 
able every way. 

1 . All the Solunarian tradesmen and shopkeepers 
were at their wits' end ; they sat in their shops and 
had little or nothing to do, while the shops of the 
Crolians were full of customers, and their people 
over head and ears in business ; this turned many 
of the Solunarian tradesmen quite off of the hooks, 
and they began to break and decay strangely, till at 
last a great many of them, to prevent their utter 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 355 

ruin, turned Crolians, on purpose to get a trade ; 
and what forwarded that part of it was, that when a 
Solunarian, who had little or no trade before, came 
but over to the Crolians, immediately everybody come 
to trade with him, and his shop would be full of 
customers, so that this presently increased the num- 
ber of the Crolians. 

2. The poor people in the countries, carders, 
spinners, weavers, knitters, and all sorts of manu- 
facturers, run in crowds to the Crolian temples for 
fear of being starved, for the Crolians were two- 
thirds of the masters or employers in the manufac- 
tures all over the country, and the poor would have 
been starved and undone if the}^ had cast them out 
of work. Thus insensibly the Crolians increased 
their number. 

3. The Crolians being men of vast cash, they no 
sooner withdrew their money from the general bank, 
but the bank languished, credit sunk, and in a 
short time they had little to do, but dissolved of 
course. 

One thing remained which people expected 
would have put a check to this undertaking, and 
that was a way of trading in classes, or societies, 
much like our East-India companies in England ; 
and these depending upon public privileges granted 
by the queen of the country, or her predecessors, 
nobody could trade to those parts but the persons 
who had those privileges : the cunning Crohans, 
who had great stocks in those trades, and foresaw 
they could not trade by themselves without the 
public grant or charter, contrived a way to get 
almost all that capital trade into their hands, as 
follows : 

They concerted matters, and all at once fell to 
selling off their stock, giving out daily reports that 
they would be no longer concerned, that it was a 

Aa 2 



356 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

losing trade, that the fund at bottom was good for 
nothing, and that of two societies the old one had 
not twenty per cent, to divide, all their debts being 
paid ; that the new society had traded several years, 
but if they were dissolved could not say they had 
got anything, and that this must be a cheat at last ; 
and so they resolved to sell. 

By this artifice, they daily offering to sale, and 
yet in all their discourse discouraging the thing 
they were to sell, nobody could be found to buy. 

The offering a thing to sale and no bidders, is a 
certain never-failing prospect of a lowering the 
price ; from this method, therefore, the value of all 
the banks, companies, societies, and stocks in the 
country, fell to be little or nothing worth ; and that 
was to be bought for forty or forty -five lunatians 
that was formerly sold at one hundred and fifty, and 
so in proportion of all the rest. 

All this while the Crolians employed their emis- 
saries to buy up privately all the interest or shares in 
these things that any of the Solunarian party would 
sell. 

This plot took readily ; for these gentlemen, ex- 
posing the weakness of these societies, and running 
down the value of their stocks, and at the same 
time warily buying at the lowest prices, not only in 
time got possession of the whole trade, with their 
grants, privileges, and stocks, but got into them at a 
prodigiously low and despicable price. 

They had no sooner thus wormed them out of the 
trade, and got the greatest part of the effects in 
their own hands, and consequently the whole ma- 
i>agement, but they run up the price of the funds 
again as high as ever, and laughed at the folly of 
those that sold out. 

Nor could the other people make any reflections 
rpon the honesty of +he practice, for it was no 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 3o7 

original, but had its birth among the Sokinarians 
themselves, of whom three or four had frequently 
made a trade of raising and lowering the funds of 
the societies by all the clandestine contrivances in 
the world, and had ruined abundance of families to 
raise their own fortunes and estates. 

One of the greatest merchants in the moon raised 
himself by this method to such a height of wealth, 
that he left all his children married to grandees, 
dukes, and great folks ; and, from a mechanical 
original, they are now ranked among the Lunarian 
nobility, while multitudes of ruined families helped 
to build his fortune, by sinking under the knavery 
of his contrivance. 

His brother in the same iniquity, being at this 
time a man of the feather, has carried on the same 
intriguing trade with all the face and front imagin- 
able ; it has been nothing with him to persuade his 
most intimate friends to sell, or buy, just as he had 
occasion for his own interest to have it rise, or fall, 
and so to make his own market of their misfortune. 

Thus he has twice raised his fortunes, for the 
house of feathers demolished him once, and yet he 
has by the same clandestine management worked 
himself up again. 

This civil way of robbing houses, for I can esteem 
it no better, was carried on by a middle sort of peo- 
ple, called in the moon Bloutegondegours, which 
signifies men with two tongues, or in English, stock- 
jobbing brokers. 

These had formerly such an unlimited power, and 
were so numerous, that indeed they governed the 
whole trade of the country ; no man knew when he 
bought or sold, for though they pretended to buy 
and sell, and manage for other men whose stocks 
they had very much at command, yet nothing was 



358 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

more frequent than when they bought a thing 
cheap, to buy it for themselves; if dear, for their 
employer ; if they were to sell, if the price rise, it 
was sold ; if it fell, it was unsold ; and by this art no- 
body got any money but themselves, that at last, ex- 
cepting the two capital men we spoke of before, 
these governed the prices of all things, and nothing 
could be bought or sold to advantage but through 
their hands ; and as the profit was prodigious, their 
number increased accordingly, so that business 
seemed engrossed by these men, and they governed 
the main articles of trade. 

This success, and the imprudence of their con- 
duct, brought great complaints against them to the 
government, and a law was made to restrain them, 
both in practice and number. 

This law has in some measure had its eifect, the 
number is not only lessened, but by chance some 
honester men than usual are got in among them, 
but they are so very, very, very few, hardly enough 
to save a man's credit that shall vouch for them. 

Nay, some people, that pretend to understand 
their business better than I do, having been of their 
number, have affirmed, it is impossible to be honest 
in the employment. 

I confess, when I began to search into the conduct 
of these men, at least of some of them, I found 
there were abundance of black stories to be told of 
them, a great deal known, and a great deal more un- 
known ; for they were from the beginning conti- 
nually encroaching into all sorts of people and socie- 
ties, and in conjunction with some that were not 
qualified by law, but merely voluntarily, called in 
the moon by a hard long word, in English signify- 
ing Projectors, these erected stocks in shadows, so- 
cieties in nubibus, and bought and sold mere va- 



THE CONSOLEDATOR. 359 

pour, wind, emptiness, and bluster for money, till 
they drew people in to lay out their cash, and then 
laughed at them. 

Thus they erected Paper Societies, Linen Socie- 
ties, Sulphur Societies, Copper Societies, Glass So- 
cieties, sham banks, and a thousand mock whimseys 
to hook unwary people in ; at last sold themselves 
out, left the bubble to float a little in the air, and 
then vanish of itself. 

The other sort of people go on after all this ; and 
though these projectors began to be out of fashion, 
they always found one thing or other to amuse and 
deceive the ignorant, and went jobbing on into all 
manner of things, public as well as private, whether 
the revenue, the public funds, loans, annuities, bear- 
skins, or anything. 

Nay, they were once grown to that extravagant 
height, that they began to stock -job the very 
feathers of the Consolidator, and in time the kings 
employing those people might have had what 
feathers they had occasion for, without concerning 
the proprietors of the lands much about them. 

It is true this began to be notorious, and received 
some check in a former meeting of the feathers ; 
but even now, when 1 came away, the three years ex- 
piring, and by course a new Consolidator being to be 
built, they were as busy as ever ; bidding, offering, 
procuring, buying, selling, and jobbing of feathers 
to who bid most ; and notwithstanding several late 
wholesome and strict laws against all manner of 
collusion, bribery, and clandestine methods, in the 
countries procuring these feathers, never was the 
moon in such an uproar about picking and culling 
the feathers ; such bribery, such drunkenness, such 
caballing, especially among the high Solunarian 
clergy and the Lazognians ; such feasting, fighting, 
and distraction, as the like has never been known. . 



360 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

And that which is very remarkable, all this not 
only before the old Consolidator was broke up, but 
even while it was actually whole and in use. 

Had this hurry been to send up good feathers, 
there had been the less to say ; but that which made 
it very strange to me was, that where the very worst 
of all the feathers were to be found, there was the 
most of this wicked work ; and though it was bad 
enough everywhere, yet the greatest bustle and con- 
trivance was in order to send up the worst feathers 
they could get. 

And indeed some places such sorry, scoundrel, 
empty, husky, withered, decayed feathers were of- 
fered to the proprietors, that I have sometimes 
wondered any one could have the impudence to 
send up such ridiculous feathers to make a Conso- 
lidator, which, as is before observed, is an engine of 
such beauty, usefulness, and necessity. 

And still, in all my observation, this note came in 
my way, there was always the most bustle and dis- 
turbance about the worst feathers. 

It was really a melancholy thing to consider, and 
had this lunar world been my native country, I 
should have been full of concern to see that one 
thing, on which the welfare of the whole nation so 
much depended, put in so ill a method, and gotten 
into the management of such men, who for money 
would certainly have set up such feathers, that 
whenever the Consolidator should be formed, it 
would certainly overset the first voyage ; and if the 
whole nation should happen to be embarked in it, 
on the dangerous voyage to the moon, the fall would 
certainly give them such a shock as would put them 
all into confusion, and open the door to the Gal- 
lunarian, or any foreign enemy to destroy them. 

It was really strange that this should be the case, 
after so many laws, and so lately, made against it ; 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 361 

but in this, those people are too like our people in 
England, who have the best laws the worst executed 
of any nation under heaven. 

For in the moon, this hurry about choosing of 
feathers was grown to the greatest height imagin- 
able, as if it increased by the very laws that were 
made to suppress it; for now at a certain public 
place, where the Bloutegondegours used to meet 
every day, anybody that had but money enough 
might buy a feather at a reasonable rate, and never 
go dov^-n into the country to fetch it ; nay, the trade 
grew so hot, that of a sudden, as if no other business 
was in hand, all people w^ere upon it, and the whole 
market was changed from selling of bear-skins, to 
buying of feathers. 

Some gave this for a reason why all the stocks of 
the societies fell so fast ; but there w^ere other rea- 
sons to be given for that ; such as clubs, cabals, 
stock-jobbers, knights, merchants, and tliie — s. I 
mean a private sort, not such as are frequently 
hanged there, but of a worse sort, by how much 
they merit that punishment more, but are out of the 
reach of the law, can rob and pick pockets in the 
face of the sun, and laugh at the families they ruin, 
bidding defiance to all legal resentment. 

To this height things were come under the grow- 
ing evil of this sort of people. 

And yet in the very moon, where, as I have noted, 
the people are so exceeding clearsighted, 'and have 
such vast helps to their perceptive faculties, such 
mists are sometimes cast before the public under- 
standing, that they cannot see the general interest. 

This was manifest, in that, just as I came away 
from that country, the great council of their wise 
men, the men of the feather, were agoing to repeal 
the old law of restraining the number of these people; 
and though as it was there was not employment 



362 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

for half of them, there being a hundred in all, and 
not above five honest ones, yet when I came away 
they were going to increase their number. I have 
nothing to say to this here, only that all wise men 
that understand trade were very much concerned 
at it, and looked upon it as a most destructive thing 
to the public, and foreboding the same mischiefs 
that trade suffered before. 

It was the particular misfortune to these lunar 
people that this country had a better stock of gover- 
nors in all articles of their welfare, than in their 
trade; their law affairs had good judges, their church 
good patriarchs, except, as might be excepted ; their 
state good ministers, their army good generals, and 
their Consolidator good feathers ; but in matters 
relating to trade, they had this particular misfortune, 
that those cases always came before people that did 
not understand them. 

Even the judges themselves were often found at 
a loss to determine causes of negoce, such as pro- 
tests, charter-parties, averages, baratry, demurrage 
of ships, right of detaining vessels on demurrage, and 
the like ; nay, the very laws themselves are fain to 
be silent, and yield in many things a superiorit}' to 
the custom of merchants. 

And here I began to congratulate my native 
country, where the prudence of the government has 
provided for these things, by establishing in a com- 
mission of trade some of the most experienced gen- 
tlemen in the nation, to regulate, settle, improve, 
and revive trade in general, by their unwearied 
labours and most consummate understanding. And 
this made me pity these countries, and think it 
would be an action worthy of this nation, and be 
spoken of for ages to come to their glory, if in mere 
charity they would appoint or depute these gentle- 
men to go a voyage to those countries of the moon, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 363 

and bless those regions with the schemes of their 
subUme undertakings and discoveries in trade. 

But when I was expressing myself thus, my 
philosopher interrupted me, and told me I should 
see they were already furnished for that purpose, 
when I came to examine the public libraries ; of 
which by itself. 

But I was further confirmed in my observation of 
the weakness of the public heads of that country, as 
to trade, when I saw another most preposterous law 
going forward among them, the title of which was 
specious, and contained something relating to em- 
ploying the poor ; but the substance of it absolutely 
destructive to the very nature of their trade, tended 
to transposing, confounding, and destroying their 
manufactures, and to the ruin of all their home com- 
merce ; never was nation so blind to their own in- 
terest as these Lunarian law-makers, and the people 
who were the contrivers of this law were so vainly 
conceited, so fond of the guilded title, and so posi- 
tively dogmatic, that they would not hear the fre- 
quent applications of persons better acquainted with 
those things than themselves, but pushed it on merely 
by the strength of their party, for the vanity of being 
authors of such a contrivance. 

But to return to the new model of the Crolians. 
The advice of the Lunarian philosopher run now 
through all their affairs ; ' Unite,' was the word 
through all the nation, in trade, in cash, in stocks, 
as I noted before. 

If a Solunarian ship was bound to any out-port, 
no Crolian would load any goods aboard ; if any 
ship came to seek freight abroad, none of the Cro- 
lians' correspondents would ship anything unless 
they knew the owners were Crolians ; the Crolian 
merchants turned out all their Solunarian masters, 
sailors, and captains, from their ships ; and thus, as 



364 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

the Solunarians would have them be separated in 
respect of the government, profits, honours, and 
offices, they resolved to separate in everything else 
too, and to stand by themselves. 

At last, upon some public occasion, the public 
treasurers of the land sent to the capital city to 
borrow 500,000 lunatians upon very good security 
of established funds ; truly nobody would lend any 
money, or at least they could not raise above a 
fifth part of that sum, inquiring at the bank, at 
their general society's cash, and other places ; all 
was languid and dull, and no money to be had ; but 
being informed that the Crolians had erected a 
bank of their own, they sent thither, and were an- 
swered readily, that whatever sum the government 
wanted, was at their service, only it was to be lent 
not by particular persons, but such a grandee, being 
one of the prime nobility, and who the Crolians now 
called their protector, was to be treated with about 
it. 

The government saw no harm in all this, here 
was no law broken, here was nothing but oppression 
answered with policy, and mischief fenced against 
with reason. 

The government therefore took no notice of it, nor 
made any scruple, when they wanted any money, 
to treat with this nobleman, and borrow any sum of 
the Crolians, as Crolians ; on the contrary, in the 
name of the Crolians, their head or protector 
presented their addresses and petitions, procured 
favours on one hand, and assistance on the other ; 
and thus by degrees, and insensibly, the Crolians be- 
came a politic body, settled and established by orders 
and rules among themselves ; and while a spirit 
of unanimity thus run through all their proceedings, 
their enemies could never hurt them, their princes 
always saw it was their interest to keep measures 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 3t)5 

with them, and they were sure to have justice upon 
any complaint whatsoever. 

When I saw this, it forced me to reflect upon af- 
fairs in our own country ; Well, said I, it is happy 
for England that our dissenters have not this spirit 
of union, and largeness of heart among them ; for if 
they were not a narrow, mean-spirited, short-sighted, 
self-preserving, friend-betraying, poor-neglecting 
people, they might have been every w^ay as safe, as 
considerable, as regarded, and as numerous, as the 
Crolians in the moon ; but it is not in their souls to 
do themselves good, nor to espouse, or stand by 
those that would do it for them ; and it is well for 
the churchmen that it is so, for many attempts have 
been made to save them, but their own narrowness 
of soul and dividedness in interest has always pre- 
vented its being effectual, and discouraged all the 
instruments that ever attempted to serve them. 

It is confessed, the case was thus at first among 
the Crolians; they were full of divisions among them- 
selves, as I have noted already of the Solunarians, 
and the unhappy feuds among them had always not 
only exposed them to the censure, reproach, and 
banter of their Solunarian enemies, but it had served 
to keep them under, prevent their being valued in 
the government, and given the other party vast ad- 
vantages against. 

But the Solunarians, driving thus furiously at 
their destruction and entire ruin, opened their eyes 
to the following measures for their preservation : 
and here again the high Solunarians may see, and 
doubtless whenever they made use of the lunar 
glasses they must see it, that nothing could have 
driven the Crolians to make use of such methods 
for their defence, but the rash proceedings of their 
own warm men, in order to suppressing the whole 
Crolian interest. And this might inform our 



366 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

countrymen of the Church of England, that it cannot 
but be their interest to treat their brethren with 
moderation and temper, lest their extravagances 
should one time or other drive the other, as it were 
by force, into their senses, and open their eyes to do 
only all those things which by law they may do, 
and which they are laughed at by all the world for 
not doing. 

This was the very case in the moon : the philo- 
sopher, or pretended such, as before, had often pub- 
lished, that it was their interest to unite ; but their 
eyes not being open to the true causes and neces- 
sity of it, their ears were shut against the counsel, till 
oppression and necessities drove them to it. 

Accordingly, they entered into a serious debate 
of the state of their own affairs, and finding the ad- 
vice given very reasonable, they set about it, and 
the author gave them a model, entitled, An inquiry 
into what the Crolians may lawfully do, to prevent 
the certain ruin of their interest, and bring their 
enemies to peace. 

I will not pretend to examine the contents of this 
sublime tract ; but from this very day, we found 
the Crolians in the moon acting quite on a different 
foot from all their former conduct, putting on a new 
temper, and a new face, as you have heard. 

All this while the hot Solunarians cried out, 
'plots, associations, confederacies, and rebellions,' 
when indeed here was nothing done but what the 
laws justified, what reason directed, and what, had 
the Crolians but made use of the Cogitator, they 
would have done forty years before. 

The truth is, the other people had no remedy, 
but to cry murder, and make a noise ; for the Cro- 
lians went on with their affairs, and established 
themselves so, that when I came away, they were 
become a most solid and well united body, made a 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 367 

considerable figure in the nation, and yet the go- 
vernment was easy ; for the Solunarians found, 
when they had attained the utmost end of their 
wishes, her Solunarian majesty was as safe as before ; 
and the Crolians' property being secured, they were 
as loyal subjects as the Solunarians, as consistent 
with monarchy, as useful to it, and as pleased with 
it. 

I cannot but remark here, that this union of the 
Crolians among themselves had another conse- 
quence, which made it appear it was not only to 
their own advantage, but to the general good of all 
the nation. 

For, by little and little, the feuds of the parties 
cooled, and the Solunarians began to be better re- 
conciled to them ; the government was easy and 
safe, and the private quarrels, as I have been told 
since, begin to be quite forgot. 

What blindness, said I to myself, has possessed 
the dissenters in our unhappy country of England, 
where by eternal discords, feuds, distrusts, and dis- 
gusts among themselves, they always fill their ene- 
mies with hopes, that by pushing at them, they may 
one time or other complete their ruin ; which ex- 
pectation has always served as a means to keep 
open the quarrel ; whereas had the dissenters been 
united in interest, affection, and management among 
themselves, all this heat had long ago been over, 
and the nation, though there had been two opinions, 
had retained but one interest, been joined in affec- 
tion and peace at home, been raised up to that degree 
that all wise men wish, as it is now among the in- 
habitants of the world in the moon. 

It is true, in all the observations I made in this 
lunar country, the vast difference paid to the per- 
sons of princes began to lessen ; and whatever re- 
spect they had for the office, they found it necessary 



368 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

frequently to tell the world that on occasion, they 
could treat them with less respect than they pre- 
tended to owe them. 

For, about this time, the divine right of kings 
and the inheritances of princes in the moon, met 
with a terrible shock, and that by the Solunarian 
party themselves ; and insomuch that even my 
philosopher, and he was none of the jure divino 
men neither, declared against it. 

They made crowns perfect footballs, set up what 
kings they would, and pulled down such as they did 
not like, rat'ione voluntas, right or wrong, as they 
thought best, of which some examples shall be given 
by and by. 

After I had thus inquired into the historical af- 
fairs of this lunar nation, which for its similitude 
to my native country I could not but be inquisitive 
in, I waived a great many material things, which 
at least I cannot enter upon the relation of here, 
and began to inquire into their affairs abroad. 

I think I took notice, in the beginning of my ac- 
count of these parts, that I found them engaged in 
a tedious and bloody vv^ar with one of the most 
mighty monarchs of all the moon. 

I must therefore hint, that among the multitude 
of things which for brevity sake I omit, the reader 
may observe these were some : 

1. That this was the same monarch v/ho har- 
boured and entertained the Abrogratzian prince, 
who was fled as before, and who we are to call the 
king of Gallunaria. 

2. I have omitted the account of a long and 
bloody war, which lasted a great many years, and 
which the present queen's predecessor managed 
with a great deal of bravery and conduct, and 
finished very much to his own glory and the na^ 
tion's advantage. 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 369 

3. I have too much omitted to note, how bar- 
barously the high Solunarian churchmen treated 
him for all his services, upbraided him with the ex- 
pense of the war, and though he saved them all 
from ruin and Abrogratzianism, yet had not one 
good word for him ; and indeed it is with some dif- 
ficulty that I pass this over, because it might be 
necessary to observe, besides what is said before, 
that ingratitude is a vice in nature, and practised 
everywhere as well as in England ; so that we 
need not upbraid the party among us with their ill 
treatment of the late king, for these people used 
their good king every jot as bad, till their unkind- 
ness perfectly broke his heart. 

Here also I am obliged to omit the historical part 
of the war, and of the peace that followed ; only I 
must observe that this peace was very precarious, 
short, and unhappy ; and in a few months the war 
broke out again with as much fury as ever. 

In this war happened one of the strangest, unac- 
countable, and most preposterous actions that ever 
a people in their national capacity could be guiltv 
of. 

Certainly if our people in England, who pretend 
that kingship is jure divino, did but know the story 
of which I speak, they would be quite of another 
mind -, wherefore I crave leave to relate part of the 
history, or original of this last war, as a necessary 
introduction to the proper observations I shall make 
upon it. 

There was a king of a certain country in the 
moon, called in their language, Ebronia, who was 
formerly a confederate with the Solunarians. This 
prince dying without issue, the great monarch we 
speak of, seized upon all his dominions as his right : 
though, if I remember right, he had formerly sworn 
never to lay claim to it ; and after that, by a subse- 

CONSOLLDATOR. B b 



370 THE CONSOLIDATOR, 

quent treaty, had agreed with the Solunarian prince 
that another monarch, who claimed a right as well 
as he, should divide it between them. 

The breach of this agreement, and seizing this 
kingdom, put almost all the lunar world into a 
flame, and war hung over the heads of all the north- 
ern nations of the moon, for several claims were made 
to the succession by other princes, and particularly 
by a certain potent prince called the Eagle, of an 
ancient family, whose lunar name I cannot well ex- 
press, but in English, it signifies, the men of the 
great lip ; whether it was originally a sort of a nick- 
name, or whether they had any such thing as a 
great lip hereditary to the family, by which they 
were distinguished, is not worth my while to ex- 
amine. 

It is without question that the successive right, 
if their lunar successions are governed as ours are 
in this world, devolved upon this man with the lip, 
and his families ; but the Gallunarian monarch 
brought things so to pass, by his extraordinary con- 
duct, that the Ebronian king was drawn in by some 
of his nobility, who this prince had bought and 
bribed to betray their country to his interest, and 
particularly a certain high priest of that country, to 
make an assignment, or deed of gift, of all his domi- 
nions, to the grandson of this Gallunarian monarch. 

By virtue of this gift, or legacy, as soon as the 
king died, who was then languishing, and, as the 
other party alleged, not in a very good capacity to 
make a will, the Gallunarian king sent his grand- 
son to seize upon the crown ; and, backing him with 
suitable forces, took possession of all his strong for- 
tifications and frontiers. 

Nor was this all : the man with the lip, indeed, 
talked big, and threatened war immediately, but 
the Solunarians were so unsettled at home, so un- 



THE CONSOLLDATOR. 371 

prepared for war, having but just dismissed their 
auxiliar troops, and disbanded their own, and the 
prince was so ill served by his subjects, that both 
he and a powerful neighbour, nations in the same 
interest, were merely bullied by this Gallunarian ; 
and as he threatened immediately to invade them, 
which they were then in no condition to prevent, 
he forced them both to submit to his demand, 
tacitly allow what he had done in breaking the 
treaty with him, and at last openly acknowledge his 
new king. 

This was indeed a most unaccountable step, but 
there was a necessity to plead, for he was at their 
very doors with his forces ; and this neighbouring 
people, who they call Mogenites, could not resist 
him without help from the Solunarians, which they 
were very backward in, notwithstanding the earnest 
solicitations of their prince, and notwithstanding 
they were obliged to do it by a solemn treaty. 

These delays obliged them to this strange step of 
acknowledging the invasion of their enemy, and 
pulling off the hat to the new king he had set up. 

It is true, the policy of these lunar nations was 
very remarkable in this case, and they outwitted 
the Gallunarian monarch in it ; for by the owning 
this prince, whom they immediately after declared 
an usurper, and made war against, they stopped the 
mouth of the Gallunarian his grandfather, took from 
him all pretence of invading them, and, making him 
believe they were sincere, wheedled him to restore 
several thousands of their men, whom he had taken 
prisoners in the frontier towns of the Ebronians. 

Had the Gallunarian prince had but the forecast 
to have seen that this was but a forced pretence to 
gain time, and that as soon as they had their troops 
clear, and time to raise more, they would certainly 
turn upon him again, he would never have been put 

Bb2 



372 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

by with so weak a trifle as the ceremony of congra- 
tulation ; whereas, had he immediately pushed at 
them with all his forces, they must have been 
ruined, and he had carried his point without much 
interruption. 

But here he lost his opportunity, which he never 
retrieved ; for it is in the moon, just as it is here, 
when an occasion is lost, it is not easy to be re- 
covered, for both the Solunarians and the Mogenites 
quickly threw off the mask, and declaring this new 
prince an usurper, and his grandfather an unjust 
breaker of treaties, they prepared for war against 
them both. 

As to the honesty of this matter, my philosopher 
and I differed extremely, he exclaimed against the 
honour of acknowledging a king, with a design to 
depose him, and pretending peace when war is de- 
signed ; though, it is true, they are too customary in 
our world ; but however, as to him, I insisted upon 
the lawfulness of it, from the universal custom of 
nations, who generally do things ten times more 
preposterous and inconsistent, when they suit their 
occasions. Yet I hope nobody will think I am re- 
commending them by this relation to the practice of 
our own nations, but rather exposing them as un- 
accountable things never to be put in practice 
without quitting all pretences to justice and national 
honesty. 

The case was this : 

As upon the progress of matters before related, 
the Solunarians and Mogenites had made a formal 
acknowledgment of this new monarch, the grand- 
son of the Gallunarian king, so, as I have hinted 
already, they had no other design than to depose 
him and puU him down. 

Accordingly, as soon as by the aforesaid wile 
they had gained breath, and furnished themselves 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 373 

with forces, they declared war against both the Gal- 
lunarian king and his grandson, and entered into 
strict confederacy with the man of the great lip, 
who was the monarch of the eagle, and who by 
right of succession had the true claim to the Ebro- 
nian crowns. 

In these declarations, they allege that crowns do 
not descend by gift, nor are kingdoms given away 
by legacy, like a gold ring at a funeral, and there- 
fore this young prince could have no right ; the 
former deceased king having no right to dispose it 
by gift. 

I must allow, that judging by our reason, and 
the practice in our countries here, on this side the 
moon, this seemed plain, and I saw no difference 
in matters of truth there or here, but right and 
liberty both of princes and people seems to be the 
same in that world as it is in this, and upon this 
account I thought the reasons of this war very just, 
and that the claim of right to the succession of the 
Ebronian crown, was undoubtedly in the man with 
the lip, and his heirs ; and so far the war was most 
just, and the design reasonable. 

And thus far my lunar companion agreed with me. 
And had they gone on so, says he, they had my good 
wishes, and my judgment had been witness to my 
pretences, that they were in the right. 

But in the prosecution of this war, says he, they 
went on to one of the most impolitic, ridiculous, 
dishonest, and inconsistent actions that ever any 
nation in the moon was guilty of; the fact was thus: 

Having agreed among themselves that the Ebro- 
nian crown should not be possessed by theGallunarian 
king's grandson, they in the next place began to 
consider who should have it. 

The man with the lip had the title, but he had a 
great government of his own, powerful, happy, and 



374 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

remote, being, as is noted, the lord of the great Eagle, 
and he told them he could not pretend to come to 
Ebronia to be a king there ; his eldest son truly was 
not only declared heir apparent to his father, but 
had another Lunarian kingdom of his own, still 
more remote than that, and he would not quit all this 
for the crown of Ebronia, so it was concerted by all 
the confederated parties, that the second son of this 
prince, the man with the lip, should be declared 
king, and here lay the injustice of all the case. 

I confesf-', at my first examining this matter, I did 
not see far into it, nor could I reach the dishonesty 
of it, and perhaps the reader of these sheets maybe 
in the same case ; but my old Lunarian friend being 
continually exclaiming against the matter, and 
blaming his countrymen the Solunarians for the dis- 
honesty of it, but especially the Mogenites, he began 
to be something peevish with me that I should be 
so dull as not to reach it, and asked me, if he 
should screw me into the thinking-press, for the clear- 
ing up my understanding. 

At last he told me he Avould write his particular 
sentiments of this whole affair in a letter to me, 
which he would so order as it should effectually 
open mine eyes; which indeed it did, and so I believe 
it will the eyes of all that read it : to which pur- 
pose I have obtained of the author to assist me in 
the translation of it, he having some knowledge also 
in our sublunar languages. 

The substance of a letter wrote to the author of 
these sheets ivhile he tvas in the regions of the 
moon. 

Friend from the Moon, 

According to my promise, I hereby give you a 
scheme of Solunarian honesty, joined with Mogenite 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 375 

policy, and my opinion of the action of my country- 
men and their confederates, in declaring their new- 
made Ebronian king. 

The Mogenites and Solunarians are looked upon 
here to be the original contrivers of this ridiculous 
piece of pageantry, and though some of their neigh- 
bours are supposed to have a hand in it ; yet we all 
lay it at the door of their politics, and for the ho- 
nesty of it let them answer it if they can. 

It is observed here, that as soon as the king of 
Gallunaria had declared that he accepted the will 
and disposition of the crown of Ebronia, in favour 
of his grandson, and that according to the said dis- 
position he had owned him for king, and in order 
to make it effectual had put him into immediate 
possession of the kingdom, the Mogenites and their 
confederates made wonderful clamours at the injus- 
tice of his proceedings, and particularly on account 
of his breaking the treaty then lately entered into 
with the king of the Solunarians, and the Mogenites, 
for the settling the matter of right and possession, 
in case of the demise of the Ebronian king. 

However, the king of Gallunaria had no sooner 
placed his grandson on the throne, but the Moge- 
nites and other nations, and to all our wonder, the 
king of Solunaria himself acknowledged him, owned 
him, sent their ministers, and compliments of con- 
gratulation, and the like, giving him the title of 
king of Ebronia. 

Though this proceeding had something of sur- 
prise in it, and all men expected to see something 
more than ordinary politic in the effect of it, yet it 
did not give half the astonishment to the lunar 
world, as this unaccountable monster of politics 
begins to do. 

We have here two unlucky fellows, called 
Pasquin and Marforio ; these had a long dialogue 



376 THE CONSOLtDATOR. 

about this very matter, and Pasquin, as he always 
loved miscliief, told a very unlucky story to his: 
comrade, of a high Mogenite skipper, as follows : 

A Mogenite ship coming from a far country, the( 
custom-house officers found some goods on board i 
which were contraband, and for which they pre- 
tended the ship and goods were all confiscated. The 
skipper, or captain, in a great fright, comes up to the 
custom-house, and being told he must swear tO; 
something relating to his taking in those goods, , 
replied in his country jargon, Ya, dat sail ick doem 
myn heer ; or in English, Ay, ay, I'll swear. Butt 
finding they did not assure him that it would clear 'j 
his ship, he scruples the oath again, at which they told li 
him, it would clear his ship immediately. Hael, well! 
myn heer, says the Mogen man, vat mot ick sagen, 
ick sail all swear myn skip to salvare, i. e. I shall I 
swear anything to save my skip. 

We apply this story thus : 

If the Mogenites did acknowledge the king of 
Ebronia, we did- believe it was done to save the ! 
skip ; and when they reproached the Gallunarian 
king with breaking the treaty of division, we used 
to say we should all break through twice as many 
engagements for half as much advantage. 

This setting up a new king against a king on 
the throne, acknowledged and congratulated by 
them, is not only looked on in the lunar world as 
a thing ridiculous, but particularly infamous, that 
they should first acknowledge a king, and then set 
up the title of another. If the title of the first 
Ebronian king be good, this must be an impostor 
and usurper of another man's right ; if it was not 
good, why did they acknowledge him, and give him 
the full title of all the Ebronian dominions ? caress 
and congratulate him, and make a public action of 
it to his ambassador. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 377 

Will they tell us they were bullied and frighted 
into it ? that is to own they may be huffed into an 
ill action ; for owning a man in the possession of 
what is none of his own, is an ill thing, and he that 
may be huffed into one ill action, may by con- 
sequence be huffed into another, and so into any- 
thing. 

What will they say for doing it ? we have heard 
there has been in the world you came from, a way 
found out to own kings de facto, but not de jure ; 
if they will fly to that ridiculous shift, let them tell 
the world so, that we may know what they mean, 
for those foolish things are not known here. 

If they owned the king of Ebronia voluntarily, 
and acknowledged his right, as Ave thought they 
had, hov/ then can this young gentleman have a 
title, unless they have found out a new division, and 
so will have two kings of Ebronia, m.ake them part- 
ners, and have a Gallunarian king of Ebronia, and a 
Mogenite king of Ebronia, both together ? 

Our lunar nations, princes, and states, whatever 
they may do in your world, always seek for some 
pretences, at least, to make their actions seem honest, 
whether they are so or no : and, therefore, they 
generally publish memorials, manifestoes, and decla- 
rations of their reasons why, and on what account 
they do so, or so ; that those who have any grounds 
to charge them with injustice, may be ansAvered 
and silenced ; it is for the people in your country 
to fall upon their neighbours, because they will do 
it, and make probability of conquest a sufficient 
reason of conquest ; the Lunarian nations are sel- 
dom so destitute of modesty but that they Avill 
make a show of justice, and make out the reasons 
of their proceedings ; and though sometimes we 
find even the reasons given for some actions are 
Aveak enough, yet it is a bad cause, indeed, that 



378 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

can neither have a true reason, nor a pretended 
one. The custom of the moon has obliged us to 
show so much respect to honesty, that when ours 
actions have the least colour of honesty, yet we will 
make reasons to look like a defence, Vvhether it be 
so or no. 

But here is an action that has neither reality nor 
pretence ; here is not face enough upon it to bear 
an apology. First, they acknowledge one king, and 
then set up another king against him ; either they 
first acknowledged a wrong king, and thereby be- 
came parties to an usurper; or they act now against 
all the rules of common justice in the world, to set 
up a sham king, to pull down a true one, only be- 
cause it is their interest to have it so. 

This makes the very name of a Solunarian scan- 
dalous to all the moon ; and mankind look upon 
them with the utmost prejudice, as if they were a 
nation who had sold all their honesty to their 
interest ; and who could act this way to-day, and 
that way to-morrow, without any regard to truth, 
or the rule of honour, equity, or conscience ; this is 
swearing anything to save the skip : and never let 
any man reproach the Gallunarian king with breaking 
the treaty of divisions, and disregarding the faith 
and stipulations of leagues ; for this is an action so 
inconsistent with itself, so incongruous to common 
justice, to the reason and nature of things, that no 
history of any of these latter times can parallel it ; 
and it is past the power of art to make any reason- 
able defence for it. 

Indeed, some lame reasons are given for it by our 
politicians. First, they say, the prince with the 
great lip was extremely pressed by the Gallunarians 
at home in his own country, and not without appre- 
hensions of seeing them ere long under the walls 
of his capital city. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 379 

From this circumstance of the man with the lip, 
it was not irrational to expect that he might be in- 
duced to make a separate peace with the Gallunari- 
ans, and serve them as he did once the prince of Ber- 
lindia, at the treaty of peace in a former war, where 
he deserted him after the solemnest engagements 
never to make peace without him ; but his pressing 
occasions requiring it, concluded a peace without 
him, and left him to come out of the war as well as 
he could, though he had come into it only for his 
assistance. Now finding him in danger of being 
ruined by the Gallunarian power, and judging from 
former practice in like cases that he might be 
hurried into a peace, and leave them in the lurch, 
they have drawn him into this labyrinth, as into a 
step which can never be receded from without the 
utmost affront and disgrace, either to the family of 
the Gallunarian, or of the lip ; an action which in 
its own nature is a defiance of the whole Gallu- 
narian power and, without any other manifesto, may 
be taken as a declaration from the house of the lip 
to the Gallunarian, that this war shall never end 
till one of those two families are ruined and re- 
duced. 

What condition the prince with the lip's power is 
in, to make such a huff at this time, shall come 
under examination by and by ; in the mean time 
the Solunarians have clenched the nail, and secured 
the war to last as long as they think convenient. 

If the Gallunarians should get the better, and 
reduce the man with the lip to terms never so dis- 
advantageous, he cannot now make a peace without 
leave from the Solunarians and the Mogenites, lest 
his son should be ruined also ; or if he should 
make articles for himself, it must be with ten times 
the dishonour that he might have done before. 

Politicians say, it is never good for a prince to 



380 THE CONSOLIDATOR. , 

pat himself into a case of desperation. This Is 
drawing the sword, and throwing away the scab- 
bard ; if a disaster should befall him, his retreat is 
impossible, and this must have been done only to 
secure the man with the lip from being huffed, or 
frighted, into a separate peace. 

The second reason people here give, why the 
Solunarians are concerning themselves in this mat- 
ter, is drawn from trade. 

The continuing of Ebronia in the hands of the 
Gallunarians will most certainly be the destruction 
of the Solunarian and Mogenites' trade, both to that 
kingdom and the whole seas on that side of the 
moon ; as this article includes a fifth part of all the 
trade of the moon, and would, in conjunction with 
the Gallunarians, at last bring the mastership of the 
sea out of the hands of the other, so it would in effect 
be more detriment to those two nations, than ten 
kingdoms lost, if they had them to part with. 

This the Solunarians foreseeing, and being ex- 
tremely sensible of the entire ruin of their trade, 
have left no stone unturned to bring this piece of 
pageantry on the stage, by which they have hooked 
in the old black Eagle to plunge himself over head 
and ears in the quarrel, in such a manner as he can 
never go back with any tolerable honour ; he can 
never quit his son and the crown of Ebronia, with- 
out the greatest reproach and disgrace of all the 
world in the moon. 

Now, whether one, or both of these reasons are 
true in this case, as most believe both of them to be 
true the policy of my countrymen, the Solunarians, 
is visible indeed ; but, as for their honesty, it is past 
finding out. 

But it is objected here, this son of the lip has an 
undoubted right to the crown of Ebronia. We do 
not fight now to set up an usurper, but to pull down 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 381 

an usurper ; and it has been made plain by the mani- 
festo, that the giving a kingdom by will, is no con- 
veyance of right ; the prince of the Eagle has an 
undoubted right, and they fight to maintain it. 

If this be true, then we must ask these high and 
mighty gentlemen how came they to recognise and 
acknowledge the present king on the throne ; why 
did they own an usurper, if he be such ? either one 
or other must be an act of cowardice and injustice, 
and all the politics of the moon cannot clear them of 
one of these two charges ; either they were cowardly 
knaves before, or else they must be cunning knaves 
now. 

If the young Eagle has an undoubted title now, 
so he had before, and they knew it as well before 
as they do now ; what can they say for themselves, 
why they should own a king who they knew had no 
title, or what can they say for going to pull down 
one that has a title ? 

I must be allowed to distinguish between fighting 
with a nation, and fighting with the king. For 
example : our quarrel with the Gallunarians is 
with the whole nation, as they are grown too strong 
for their neighbours. But our quarrel with Ebronia 
is not with the nation, but with their king ; and this 
quarrel seems to be unjust in this particular, at 
least in them who owned him to be king, for that 
put an end to the controversy. 

It is true, the justice of public actions, either in 
princes, or in states, is no such nice thing, that any- 
body should be surprised to see the government 
forfeit their faith; and it seems the Solunarians are 
no more careful this way than their neighbours. 
But then those people should in especial manner 
forbear to reproach other nations and princes with 
the breaches which they themselves are subject 
too. 



382 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

As to the Eagle, we have nothing to say to the 
honesty of his declaring his son king of Ebronia, for, 
as is hinted before, he never acknowledged the title 
of the usurper, but always declared and insisted on 
his own undoubted right, and that he would recover 
it if he could. 

Without doubt the Eagle has a title by proximity 
of blood, founded on the renunciation of the king of 
Gallunaria, formerly mentioned ; and if the will of 
the late king be invalid, or he had no right to give 
the sovereignty of his kingdoms away, then the Eagle 
is next heir. 

But, as we quit his morals, and justify the honesty 
of his proceedings in the war against the present 
king of Ebronia, so, in this action of declaring his 
second son, we must begin to question his under- 
standing; and, saving a respect of decency, it looks 
as if his musical head was out of tune, to illus tra- 
tellus. I crave leave to tell you a story out of your 
own country, which we have heard of hither. A 
Frenchman, that could speak but broken English, 
w^as at the court of England, Avhen on some occasion 
he happened to hear the title of the king of England 
read thus, Charles the Second, king of England, Scot- 
land, France, and Ireland. Yat is dat you say ? 
says monsieur, being a little affronted. The man 
reads it again ; as before. Charles the Second, king 
of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland. Charles 
the Second, king of France ! Ma Foy, says the 
Frenchman, you can no read ; Charles the Second, 
king of France ; ha ! ha ! ha ! Charles the Second, 
king of France when he can catch. Any one may 
apply the story, whether it was a true one or no. 

All the lunar world looks on it, therefore, as a 
most ridiculous, senseless thing, to make a man a 
king of a country he has not one foot of land in, nor 
can have a foot there but what he must fight for. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 383 

As to the probability of gaining it, I have nothing 
to say to it ; but if we may guess at his success there 
by what has been done in other parts of the moon, 
we find he has fought three campaigns to lose every 
foot he had got. 

It had been much more to the honour of the 
Eagle's conduct, and of the young hero himself, 
first to have let him have faced his enemy in the 
field, and as soon as he had beaten him, the Ebro- 
nians would have acknowledged him fast enough ; 
or his own victorious troops might have proclaimed 
him at the gate of their capital city ; and if after all 
the success of the war had denied him the crown he 
had fought for, he had the honour to have shown 
his bravery, and he had been where he was, a prince 
of the great lip. A son of the Eagle is a title much 
more honourable than a king without a crown, with- 
out subjects, without a kingdom, and another man 
upon his throne ; but by this declaring him king, 
the old Eagle has put him under a necessity of 
gaining the kingdom of Ebronia, which at best is a 
great hazard, or, if he fails, to be miserably despicable, 
and to bear all his life the constant chagrin of a 
great title, and no possession. 

How ridiculous will this poor young gentleman 
look, if at last he should be forced to come home 
again without his kingdom ! what a king of clouts 
will he pass for! and what will this king-making old 
gentleman, his father, say, when the young hero 
shall tell him, your majesty has made me a mock 
king, for all the world to laugh at. 

It was certainly the weakest thing that could be, 
for the Eagle thus to make him a king of that, which 
were the probability greater than it is, he may easily, 
without the help of a miracle, be disappointed of. 

It is true, the confederates talk big, and have 
lately had a great victory, and if talk will beat the 



384 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

king of Ebronia out of his kingdom, he is certainly 
undone, but we do not find the Gallunarians part 
with anything they can keep, nor that they quit any- 
thing without blows ; it must cost a great deal of 
blood and treasure before this war can be ended ; 
if absolute conquest on one side must be the matter, 
and if the design on Ebronia should miscarry, as 
one voyage thither has done already, where are we 
then ? Let any man but lookback, and consider what 
a sorry figure your confederate fleet in your world 
had made, after their Andalusian expedition, if they 
had not, more by fate than conduct, chopped upon a 
booty at Vigo as they came back. 

In the like condition will this new king come 
back, if he should go for a kingdom and should not 
catch, as the Frenchman called it. It is in the 
sense of the probability of this miscarriage, that 
most men wonder at these unaccountable measures, 
and think the Eagle's councils look a little wildish, 
as if some of his great men were grown delirious and 
whimsical, that fancied crowns and kingdoms were 
to come and go, just as the great divan at their 
court should direct. This confusion of circumstances 
has occasioned a certain copy of verses to appear 
about the moon, which in our characters may be 
read as follows : 

IVondelis Idulasin na Perixola Metartos, 
Strigunia Crolias Xerin Hytale fylos ; 

Farnicos Galvare Orpto sonamet Egonsberch, 
Sih lona Sipos Gullia Ropta Tylos. 

Which may be Englished thus : 

Caesar you trifle with the v/orld in vain, 
Think rather now of Germany than Spain ; 
He's hardly fit to fill the Eagle's throne, 
Who gives new crowns, and can't protect his own. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 385 

But after all, to come closer to the point, if I can 
now make it out that whatever it was before, this 
very practice of declaring a second son to be king 
of Ebronia, has publicly owned the proceedings of 
the king of Gallunaria to be just, and the title of 
his grandson to be much better than the title of the 
now declared king, what shall we call it then ? 

In order to this, it is first necessary to examine 
the title of the present king, and to enter into the 
history of his coming to the crown, in which I shall 
be very brief 

The last king of Ebronia dying without issue, 
and a former renunciation taking place, the succes- 
sion devolves on the house of the Eagle as before, 
of whom the present Eagle is the eldest branch. 

But the late king of Ebronia, to prevent the suc- 
cession of the Eagle's line, makes a will, and sup- 
plies the proviso of renunciation by devising, giving, 
or bequeathing the crown to the grandson of his 
sister. 

The king of Gallunaria insists that this is a lawful 
title to the crown, and seizes it accordingly, instating 
his grandson in the possession. 

The Eagle alleges the renunciation to confirm 
his title as heir ; and as to the will of the late king, 
he says, Crowns cannot descend by gift, and though 
the late king had an undoubted right to enjoy it 
himself, he had none to give it away. 

To make the application of this history as short 
as may be, I demand then what right has the Eagle 
to give it to his second son ? If crowns are not to 
descend by gift, he may have a right to enjoy it, 
but can have none to give it away ; but if he has a 
right to give it away, so had the former king, and 
then the present king has a better title to it than 
the new one, because his gift was prior to this of 
the Eagle. 

CONSOLIDATOR, C C 



386 THE CONSOLEDATOR. 

I would be glad to see this answered ; and if it 
cannot, then I query whether the Eagle's senses 
ought not to be questioned, for setting up a title on 
the very foundation for which he quarrels at him 
that is in possession, and so confirms the honesty of 
the possessor's title by his own practice. 

From the whole, I make no scruple to say that 
either the Eagle's second son has no title to the 
kingdom of Ebronia, or else giving of crowns is a 
legal practice ; and if crowns may descend by gift, 
then has the other king a better title than he, be- 
cause it was given him first, and the Eagle has only 
given away what he had no right to, because it was 
given away before he had any title to it himself. 

Further, the posterity of the Eagle's eldest son 
are manifestly injured in this action, for kings can 
no more give away their crowns from their pos- 
terity, than from themselves ; if the right be in the 
Eagle, it is his, as he is the eldest male branch of 
the house of the great lip, not as he is Eagle; and 
from him the crown of Ebronia, by the same right 
of devolution, descends to his posterity, and rests on 
the male line of every eldest branch. If so, no act 
of renunciation can alter this succession, for that is 
a gift, and the gift is exploded, or else the whole 
house of the great lip is excluded ; so that let the 
argument be turned and twisted never so many 
ways, it all centres in this, that the present person 
can have no title to the crown of Ebronia. 

If he has any title, it is from the gift of his father 
and elder brother ; if the gift of a crown is no 
good title, then his title cannot be good; if the 
gift of a crown is a good title, then the crown was 
given away before, and so neither he nor his father 
has any title. 

Let him that can answer these paradoxes defend 
his title if he can ; and what shall we now say to the 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 387 

war in Ebronia? only this, that they are going to 
fight for the crown of Ebronia, and to take it away 
fi-om one that has no right to it, to give it to one 
that has a less right than he ; and it is to be feared, 
that if heaven be righteous, it will succeed accord- 
ingly. 

The gentlemen of letters who have wrote of this 
in our lunar world, on the subject of the Galluna- 
rian title, have took a great deal of liberty in the 
Eagle's behalf, to banter and ridicule the Galluna- 
rian sham of a title, as if it were a pretence too 
weak for any prince to make use of, to talk of kings 
giving their crowns by will. 

Kingdoms and governments, says a learned lunar 
author, are not things of such indifferent value, to 
be given away, like a token left for a legacy. If 
any prince has ever given or transferred his govern- 
ment, it has been done by solemn act, and the peo- 
ple have been called to assent, and confirm such con- 
cessions. 

Then the same author goes on, to treat the king 
of Gallunaria with a great deal of severity, and ex- 
poses his politics, that he should think to put upon 
the moon with so empty, so weak, so ridiculous a 
pretence, as the will of a weak-headed prince, who 
neither had a right to give his crown, nor a brain 
to know what he was doing; and he laughs to think 
what the king of Gallunaria would have said to have 
such a dull trick as that put upon him in any such 
case. 

Now when we have been so witty upon this very 
article, of giving away the crown to the king of 
Gallunaria's grandson, as an incongruous and ridi- 
culous thing, shall we come to make the same in- 
congruity be the foundation of a war ? 

With what justice can we make a war for a prince 

cc2 



388 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

who has only a good title by virtue of the self-same 
action which makes the grandson of his enemy have 
a bad title. 

I always thought we had a just ground to make 
war on Ebronia, as we were bound by former alli- 
ances to assist the Eagle in the recovery of it in 
case of the death of the late king of that country. 

But now the Eagle has refused the succession, 
and his eldest son has refused it, I would be glad to 
see it proved how the second son can have a title, 
and yet the other king have no title. 

What a strange sort of a thing is the crown of 
Ebronia, that two of the greatest princes of the 
lunar world should fight, not who shall have it, for 
neither of them will accept of it, but who shall have 
the power of giving it away. 

Here are four princes refuse it ; the king of Gal- 
lunaria's sons had a title in right of their mother, 
and it was not the former renunciations that would 
have barred them, if this softer way had not been 
found out ; for time was, it has been pleaded on be- 
half of the eldest son of the Gallunarian king, that 
his mother could not give away his right before he 
was born. 

Then the Eagle has a right, and under him his 
eldest son ; and none of all these four will accept of 
the crown ; I believe all the moon cannot find four 
more that would refuse it. 

Now though none of these think it worth accept- 
ing themselves, yet they fall out about the right of 
giving it away. The king of Gallunaria will not 
accept of it himself, but he gets a gift from the last 
incumbent. This, says the Eagle, cannot be a good 
title, for the late king had no right to make a deed 
of gift of the crown, since a king is only tenant for 
life, and succession of crowns either must descend 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 389 

by a lineal progression in the right of primogeniture, 
or else they lose the tenure, and devolve on the 
people. 

Now as this argument holds good, the Eagle has 
an undoubted title to the crown of Ebronia : But 
then, says his Eaglish majesty, I cannot accept of 
the crown myself, for I am the Eagle, and my eldest 
son has two kingdoms already, and is in a fair way 
to be Eagle after me, and it is not worth while for 
him, but I have a second son, and we will give it him. 

Now may the king of Gallunaria say, If one gift 
is good, another is good, and ours is the first gift, 
and therefore we will keep it ; and though I so- 
lemnly declare I should be very sorry to see the 
crown of Ebronia rest in the house of the Galluna- 
rian, because our trade will sufifer exceedingly ; yet 
if never so much damage were to come of it, we 
ought to do justice in the world ; if neither the 
Eagle nor his eldest son will be king of Ebronia, 
but a deed of gift shall be made, the first gift has 
the right, for nothing can be given away to two 
people at once, and it is apparent that the late king 
had as much right to give it away as anybody. 

The poor Ebronians are in a fine condition all 
this while, that nobody concerns them in the 
matter ; neither party has so much as thought it 
worth while to ask them who they would have to 
reign over them; here has been no assembly, no 
cortes, no meeting of the people of Ebronia, neither 
collectively or representatively, no general conven- 
tion of the nobility, no house of feathers; but Ebro- 
nia lies as the spoil of the victor, wholly passive; and 
her people and princes, as if they were wholly un- 
concerned, lie by and look on; whoever is like to be 
king, they are like to suffer deeply by the strife, 
and yet neither side has thought fit to consult them 
about it. 



390 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

The conclusion of the whole matter is in short 
this ; here is certainly a false step taken, how it shall 
be rectified is not] the present business, nor am I 
wise enough to prescribe. One man may do in a 
moment what all the lunar world cannot undo in 
an age. It is not to be thought the Eagle will be 
prevailed on to undo it, nay, he has sworn not to 
alter it. 

I am not concerned to prove the title of the pre- 
sent king of Ebronia, no, nor of the Eagle's neither ; 
but T think I can never be answered in this, that 
this gift of the Eagle's to his second son is prepos- 
terous, inconsistent with all his claim to the crown, 
and the greatest confirmation of the title of his 
enemy that it was possible to give, and no doubt 
the Gallunarians will lay hold of the argument. 

If this prince was the Eagle's eldest son, he 
might have a just right from the concession of his 
father, because the right being inherent, he only 
received from him an investiture of time ; but as 
this young gentleman is a second son, he has no more 
right, his elder brother being alive, than your grand 
seignior, or czar of Muscovy, in your world. 

Let them fight then for such a cause, who, valuing 
only the pay, make war a trade, and fight for any- 
thing they are bid to fight for ; and as such value 
not the justice of the war, nor trouble their heads 
about causes and consequences so they have their 
pay, it is well enough for them. 

But were the justice of the war examined, I can 
see none; this declaring a new king who has no 
right but by a gift, and pulling down one that had it 
by a gift before, has so much contradiction in it, that 
I am afraid no wise man or honest man will em- 
bark in it. 

Your humble servant. 

The Man in the Moon. 



THE CONSOLED ATOR. 391 

I would have nobody now pretend to scandalize 
the writer of this letter, which being for the Gallu- 
narians, for no man in the moon had more aversion 
for them than he, but he would have had the war 
carried on upon a right bottom, justice and honesty 
regarded in it ; and, as he said often, they had no 
need to go out of the road of justice, for had they 
made war in the great Eagle's name all had been 
well. 

Nor was he a false prophet, for as this was ill 
grounded, so it was as ill carried on, met with shocks, 
rubs, and disappointments, every way. The very 
first voyage the new king made, he had like to 
have been drowned by a very violent tempest, 
things not very usual in those countries ; and all 
the progress that had been made in his behalf when 
I came away from that lunar world, had not brought 
him so much as to be able to set his foot upon his 
new kingdom of Ebronia ; but his adversary, by won- 
derful dexterity, and the assistance of his old grand- 
father, the Gallunarian monarch, beat his troops 
upon all occasions, invaded his ally that pretended 
to assist him, and kept a quiet possession of all the 
vast Ebronian monarchy ; and but at last, by the 
powerful diversion of the Solunarian fleet, a shock 
was given them on another side, which if it had not 
happened, it was thought the new king had been 
sent home again re infecta. 

Being very much shocked in my judgment of this 
affair, by these unanswerable reasons, I enquired 
of my author who were the directors of this matter : 
he told me plainly it was done by those great states- 
men which the Solunarian queen had lately very 
justly turned out, whose politics were very unac- 
countable in a great many other things, as well as 
in that. 

It is true, the war was carried on under the new 



392 THE CONSOLroATOR. 

ministry, and no war in the world can be juster, on 
account of the injustice and encroachment of the 
Gallunarian monarch. 

The queen, therefore, and her present ministers, 
go on with the war on principles of confederacy ; it 
is the business of the Solunarians to beat the inva- 
der out, and then let the people come and make a 
fair decision who they will have to reign over 
them. 

This indeed justifies the war in Ebronia to be 
right, but for the personal procedure as before, it 
is all contradiction and can never be answered. 

I hope no man will be so malicious as to say I 
am hereby reflecting on our war with Spain. I am 
very forward to say, it is a most just and reasonable 
war : as to parallels between the cases of the princes, 
in defending the matter of personal right, hie labor , 
hoc opus. 

Thus however you see humanum est errare, 
whether in this world or in the moon, it is all one ; 
infallibility of councils, any more than of doctrine, 
is not in man. 

The reader may observe, I have formerly noted 
there was a new Consolidator to be built, and ob- 
served what struggle there was in the moon about 
choosing the feathers. 

I cannot omit some further remarks here, as 

1. It is to be observed, that this last Consolidator 
was in a manner quite worn out. It had indeed 
continued but three years, which was the stated time 
by law, but it had been so hurried, so party-rid, so 
often had been up in the moon, and made so many 
such extravagant flights and unnecessary voyages 
thither, that it began to be exceedingly worn and 
defective. 

2. This occasioned that the light fluttering 
feathers and the fermented feathers made strange 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 393 

work of it ; nay, sometimes they were so hot, they 
were like to have ruined the whole fabric, and had 
it not been for the great feather in the centre, and 
a few negative feathers who were wiser than the 
rest, all the machines had been broke to pieces, 
and the whole nation put into a most strange con- 
fusion. 

Sometimes their motion was so violent and pre- 
cipitant, that there was great apprehensions of its 
being set on fire by its own velocity, for swiftness 
of motion is allowed by the sages and so so's to 
produce fire, as in wheels, mills, and several sorts of 
mechanic engines, which are frequently fired ; and 
so in thoughts, brains, assemblies, Consolidators, 
and all such combustible things. 

Indeed these things were of great consequence, 
and therefore require some more nice examination 
than ordinary, and the following story will in part 
explain it. 

Among the rest of the broils they had with the 
grandees, one happened on this occasion. 

One of the tacking feathers being accidentally 
met by a grandee's footman, whom it seems wanted 
some manners, the slave began to halloo him in the 
street with, A tacker, a tacker, a feather-fool, a 
tacker, &c. ; and so brought the mob about him ; and 
had not the grandee himself come in the very in- 
terim., and rescued the feather, the mob had de- 
molished him, they were so enraged. 

As this gentleman-feather was rescued with 
great courtesy by the grandee, taken into his coach 
and carried home to his house, he desired to speak 
with the footman. 

The fellow being called in, was asked by him who 
employed him, or set him on to offer him this in- 
sult : the footman, being a ready bold fellow, told 
him. Nobody sir, but you are all grown so ridiculous 



394 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

to the whole nation, that if the hundred and thirty- 
four of you were left but to us footmen, and it was 
not in more respect to our masters, than you, we 
should cure you of ever coming into the Consolida- 
tor again ; and all the people in the moon are of our 
mind. 

But, says the feather, why do you call me fool too? 
Why sir, says he, because nobody could ever tell us 
what it was you drove at, and we have been told 
you never knew yourselves ; now if one of you tack- 
ing feathers would but tell the world what your real 
design was, they would be satisfied ; but to be 
leaders in the Consolidator, and to act without 
meaning, without thought or design, must argue 
you are fools, or worse, and you will find all the moon 
of my mind. 

But what if we had a meaning ? says the feather 
man. Why then, says the footman, we shall leave 
calling you fools, and call you knaves, for it could 
never be an honest one, so that you had better 
stand as you do : and I make it out thus. 

You knew, that upon your tacking the Crolians 
to the tribute bill, the grandees must reject both, 
they having declared against reading any bills 
tacked together, as being against their privileges. 
Now if you had any design, it must be to have the 
bill of tribute lost, and that must be to disappoint 
all the public affairs, expose the queen, break all 
measures, discourage the confederates, and putting 
all things backward, bring the Gallunarian forces 
upon them, and put all Solunaria into confusion. 
Now sir, says he, we cannot have such coarse 
thoughts of you as to believe you could design such 
dark, mischievous things as these, and therefore we 
chose to believe you all fools, and not fit to be put 
into a Consolidator again, than knaves and traitors to 
your country, and consequently fit for a worse place. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 395 

The plainness of the footman was such, and so 
unanswerable, that his master was fain to check 
him, and so the discourse broke off, and we shall 
leave it there, and proceed to the story. 

The men of the feather, as I have noted, who are 
represented here by the Coiisolidator, fell all together 
by the ears, and all the moon was in a combustion. 
The case was as follows. 

They had three times lost their qualifying law, 
and particularly they observed the grandees were 
the men that threw it out, and notwithstanding the 
plot of the tackers, as they called them, who were, 
as I noted, observed to be in conjunction with the 
Crolians, yet the law always passed the feathers, 
but still the grandees quashed it. 

To show their resentment at the grandees, they 
had often made attempts to mortify them, some- 
times arraigning them in general, sometimes im- 
peaching private members of their house ; but still 
all would not do, the grandees had the better of 
them, and going on with regularity and temper, the 
consolidators, or feather-men, always had the worst, 
the grandees had the applause of all the moon, had 
the last blow on every occasion, and the other sunk 
in their reputation exceedingly. 

It is necessary to understand here, that the men 
of the feather serve in several capacities, and under 
several denominations, and act by themselves; singly 
considered, they are called the Consolidator, and the 
feathers we mentioned, abstracted from their per- 
sons, make the glorious engine we speak of, and in 
which, when any sudden motion takes them, they 
can all shut themselves up, and away for the moon. 

But when these are joined with the grandees and 
the queen, so united, they make a great cortes, or 
general collection of all the governing authority of 
the nation. 



396 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

When this last fraction happened, the men of the 
feather were under an exceeding ferment ; they had. 
in some passion, taken into their custody some 
good honest hmar countrymen, for an offence 
which indeed few but themselves ever imagined 
was a crime, for the poor men did nothing but 
pursue their own right by the law. 

It is thought the men of the feather soon saw 
they were in the wrong, but acted like some men 
in our world, that when they make a mistake, being 
too proud to own themselves in the wrong, run 
themselves into worse errors to mend it. 

So these lunar gentlemen disdaining to have it 
said they could be mistaken, committed two errors 
to conceal one, till at last they came to be laughed 
at by all the moon. 

These poor men having lain a long while in 
prison, for little or no crime, at last were advised 
to apply themselves to the law for discharge ; ttie 
law would fairly have discharged them ; for in that 
country, no man may be imprisoned but he must 
in a certain time be tried, or let go upon pledges of 
his friends, much like our giving bail on a writ of 
Habeas corpus ; but the judges, whether overawed 
by the feathers, or what was the cause authors 
have not determined, did not care to venture dis- 
charging them. 

The poor men thus remanded, applied themselves 
to the grandees, who were then sitting, and who are 
the sovereign judicature of the country, and before 
whom appeals lie from all courts of justice. The 
grandees, as in duty bound, appeared ready to do 
them justice, but the queen was to be applied to, 
first to grant a writ, or a warrant for a writ, called 
in their country a writ of follies, which is as much 
as to say, mistakes. 

The consolidators foreseeing the consequence, 



I 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 397 

immediately applied themselves to the queen with 

an address, the terms of which were so undu 1 

and unman — ly, that had she not been a queen of 
unusual candour and goodness, she would have 
treated them as they deserved, for they upbraided 
her with their freedom and readiness in granting 
her supplies, and therefore as good as told her they 
expected she should do as they desired. 

These people, that knew the supplies given were, 
from necessity, legal, and for their own defence, 
while the granting their request must have been 
illegal, arbitrary, a dispensing with the laws, and 
denying justice to her subjects, the very thing they 
ruined her father for, were justly provoked to see 
their good queen so barbarously treated. 

The queen, full of goodness and calmness, gave 
them a gentle kind answer, but told them she must 
be careful to act with due regard to the laws, and 
could not interrupt the course of judicial proceed- 
ings ; and at the same time granted the writ, having 
first consulted with her council, and received the 
opinion of all the judges, that it was not only safe, but 
just and reasonable, and a right to her people which 
she could not deny. 

This proceeding galled the feathers to the quick, 
and finding the grandees resolved to proceed judi- 
cially upon the said writ of follies, which if they 
did, the prisoners would be delivered and the fol- 
lies fixed upon the feathers, they sent their poursui- 
vants, took them out of the common prison, and 
conveyed them separately and privately into prisons 
of their own. 

This rash and unprecedented proceeding pushed 
them further into a labyrinth, from whence it was 
impossible they could ever find their way out but 
with infinite loss to their reputation, like a sheep in 
a thick wood, that at every briar pulls some of 



398 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

the wool from her back, till she comes out in a 
most scandalous pickle of nakedness and scratches. 

The grandees immediately published six articles 
in vindication of the people's right, against the as- 
sumed privileges of the feathers, the abstract of 
which is as follows : 

1. That the feathers had no right to claim, or 
make any new privileges for themselves, other than 
they had before. 

2. That every freeman of the moon had a right 
to repel injury with law. 

3. That imprisoning the five countrymen by the 
feathers, was assuming a new privilege they had no 
right to, and a subjecting the subject's right to their 
arbitrary votes. 

4. That a writ of deliverance, or removing the 
body, is the legal right of every subject in the 
moon, in order to his liberty, in case of imprison- 
ment. 

5. That to punish any person for assisting the 
subject, in procuring or prosecuting the said writ of 
deliverance, is a breach of the laws, and a thing of 
dangerous consequence. 

6. That a writ of follies is not a grace, but a right, 
and ought not to be denied to the subject. 

These resolves struck the languishing reputation 
of the feathers with the dead palsy, and they 
began to stink in the nostrils of all the nations in the 
moon. 

But besides this, they had one strange effect, 
which was a prodigious disappointment to the men 
of the feather. 

I had observed before, that there was to be a new 
set of feathers provided, in order to building an- 
other Consolidator, according to a late law for a new 
engine every three years. Now several of these 
men of the feather, who thought their feathers capa- 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 399 

ble of serving again, had made great interest, and 
been at great cost to have their old feathers chosen 
again, but the people had entertained such scoun- 
drel opinions of these proceedings, such as tacking, 
consolidating, imprisoning electors, impeaching 
without trial, writs of follies, and the like, that if 
any one was known to be concerned in any of these 
things, nobody would vote for him. 

The gentlemen were so mortified at this, that 
even the hottest high-church Solunarian of them all, 
if he put in anywhere to be re-chosen, the first 
thing he had to do, was to assure the people he was 
no tacker, none of the hundred and thirty-four; 
and avast deal of difficulty they had to purge them- 
selves of this blessed action, which they used to 
value themselves on before, as their glory and 
merit. 

Thus they grew ashamed of it, as a crime, got 
men to go about to vouch for them to the country 
people, that they were no tackers ; nay, one of them, 
to clear himself, loudly forswore it, and taking a 
glass of wine, wished it might never pass through 
him, if he was a tacker, though all men suspected 
him to be of that number too, he having been one 
of the forwardest that way, on all occasions, of any 
person among the south folk of the moon. 

In like manner, one of the feathers for the middle 
province of the country, who used to think it his 
honour to be for the qualifying law, seeing which 
way the numour of the country ran, took as much 
pains now to tell the people he was no tacker, as 
he did before to promise them that he would do his 
utmost to have the Crolians reduced, and that bill 
to pass ; the reason of which was plain, that he saw, 
if it should be known he was a tacker, he should 
never have his feather returned, to be put into the 
Consolidator. 



400 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

The heats and feuds that the feathers and the 
grandees were now run into, began to make the 
latter very uneasy, and they sent to the grandees to 
hasten them, and put them in mind of passing some 
laws they had sent up to them for raising money, 
and which lay before them ; knowing that as soon as 
those laws were past, the queen would break them 
up ; and they being very willing to be gone, before 
these things came too far upon the stage, urged 
them to despatch. 

But the grandees resolving to go through with 
the matter, sent to them to come to a treaty on the 
foot of the six articles, and to bring any reasons 
they could, to prove the power they had to act as 
they had done with the countrymen, and with the 
lawyers they had put in prison for assisting them. 

The feathers were very backward and stiff about 
this conference, or treaty, till at last the grandees 
having sufficiently exposed them to all the nation, 
the bills were passed, the grandees caused the par- 
ticulars to be printed, and a representation of their 
proceedings, and the feathers' foul dealings to the 
queen of the country, and so her majesty sent them 
home. 

But if they were ashamed of being called tackers 
before, they were doubly mortified at this now ; nay, 
the country resented it so exceedingly, that some of 
them began to consider whether they should ven- 
ture to go home or no ; printed lists of their names 
were published, though we do not say they were 
true lists for it was a hard thing to know which 
were true lists, and which were not, nor indeed 
could a true list be made, no man being able to 
retain the exact account of who were the men, in 
his memory. 

For as there were a hundred and thirty-four 
tackerSj so there were a hundred and forty-one of 



THE CONSOLEDATOR. 401 

these, who by a name of distinction, were called 
Lebusyraneim, in English, Aylesbury-men. 

The people were so exasperated against these, 
that they expressed their resentment upon all occa- 
sions ; and lest the queen should think that the na- 
tion approved the proceedings, they drew up a re- 
presentation or complaint, full of most dutiful ex- 
pressions to their queen, and full of resentment 
against the feathers: the copy of which being 
handed about the moon the last time I was there, I 
shall take the pains to put it into English in the best 
manner I can, keeping as near the original as possible. 

If any man shall now wickedly suggest, that this 
relation has any retrospect to the affairs of England, 
the author declares them malicious misconstruers of 
his honest relation of matters from this remote 
country, and offers his positive oath for their satis- 
faction, that the very last journey he made into those 
lunar regions, this matter was upon the stage, of 
which, if this treatise was not so near its conclusion, 
the reader might expect a more particular account. 

If there is any analogy or similitude between the 
transactions of either world, he cannot account for 
that ; 'tis application makes the ass. 

And yet sometimes he has thought, as some 
people fable of the Platonic year, that after such a 
certain revolution of time, all things are transacted 
over again, and the same people live again, are the 
same fools, knaves, philosophers and madmen, they 
were before, though without any knowledge of, or 
retrospect to what they acted before ; so why should 
it be impossible, that as the moon and this world 
are noted before to be twins and sisters, equal in 
motion and in influence, and perhaps in qualities, 
the same secret power should so act them, as that 
like actions and circumstances should happen in all 
parts of both worlds at the same time. 

CONSOLIDATOR. D d 



402 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

I leave this thought to the improvement of our 
royal learned societies of the anticacofanums, op- 
posotians, periodicarians, antepredestinarians, uni- 
versal soulians, and such like unfathomable people, 
who, without question, upon mature inquiry, will 
find out the truth of this matter. 

But if any one shall scruple the matter of fact as 
I have here related it, I freely give him leave to do 
as I did, and go up to the moon for a demonstration ; 
and if upon his return he does not give ample testi- 
mony to the case in every part of it, as here re- 
lated, I am content to pass for the contriver of it 
myself, and be punished as the law shall say I de- 
serve. 

Nor was this all the public matters in which this 
nation of Solunarians took wrong measures; for 
about this time, the misunderstandings between the 
southern and northern men began again, and the 
Solunarians made several laws, as they called them, 
to secure themselves against the dangers they pre- 
tended might accrue from the new measures the 
Nolunarians had taken ; but so unhappily were 
they blinded by the feuds among themselves, and 
beset by opinion and interest, that every law they 
made, or so much as attempted to make, was really 
to the advantage, and to the interest of the northern 
men, and to their own loss ; so ignorantly and weak- 
headed were these high Solunarian churchmen in 
the true interest of their country, led by their im- 
placable malice at Crolianism, which, as is before 
noted, was the established religion of that country. 

But as this matter was but transacting when 
I took the other remarks, and that I did not 
obtain a full understanding of it till my second 
voyage, I refer it to a more full relation of my 
further travels that way, when I shall not fail to 
give a clear state of the debate of the two kingdoms, 



THE CONSOLIDATOR, 403 

in which the southern men had the least reason and 
the worst success that ever they had in any affair of 
that nature for many years before. 

It was always my opinion in affairs on this side 
the moon, that though sometimes a foolish bolt may 
hit the point, and a random shot kill the enemy, yet 
that generally discretion and prudence of manage- 
ment had the advantage, and met with a propor- 
tioned success, and things were or were not happy 
in their conclusion, as they were more or less 
wisely contrived and directed. 

And though it may not be allowed to be so here, 
yet I found it more constantly so there, effects were 
true to their causes, and confusion of counsels never 
failed in the moon to be followed by distracted and 
destructive consequences. 

This appeared more eminently in the dispute be- 
tween these two lunar nations we are speaking of; 
never were people in the moon, whatever they 
might be in other places, so divided in their opi- 
nions about a matter of such consequence. Some 
were for declaring war immediately upon the northern 
men, though they could show no reason at all why, 
only because they would not do as they would have 
them. A parcel of poor scoundrel, scabby rogues, 
they ought to be made submit ! What ! won't they 
declare the same king as we do ! hang them, rogues! 
a pack of Crolian, Prestarian devils, we must make 
them do it: down with them the shortest way, de- 
clare war immediately, and down with them ! Nay, 
some were for falling on them directly, without the 
formality of declaring war. 

Others, more afraid than hurt, cried out 'invasions, 
depredation, fire and sword, the northern men 
would be upon them immediately ;' and proposed to 
fortify their frontiers, and file off their forces to the 
borders : nay, so apprehensive did those men of 

Dd2 



404 THE CONSOLLDATOR. 

prudence pretend to be, that they ordered towns to 
be fortified a hundred mile off of the place, when 
all this while the poor northern men did nothing 
but tell them that unless they would come to terms, 
they would not have the same king as they, and 
then took some measures to let them see they did 
not purpose to be forced to it. 

Another sort of wiser men than these, proposed 
to unite with them, hear their reasons, and do them 
right. These indeed were the only men that were 
in the right method of concluding this unhappy 
broil, and for that reason, were the most unlikely to 
succeed. 

But the wildest notion of all, was, when some of 
the grandees made a grave address to the queen of 
the country, to desire the northern men to settle 
matters first, and to tell them, that when that was 
done, they should see what these would do for them. 
This was a home stroke, if it had but hit, and the 
misfortune only lay in this, that the northern men 
were not fools enough ; the clearness of the air in 
those cold climates generally clearing the head so 
early, that those people see much further into a 
millstone, than any blind man in all the southern 
nations of the moon. 

There was another unhappiness in this case, 
which made the matter yet more confused, and that 
was, that the soldiers had generally no gust to this 
war. This was an odd case ; for those sort of gen- 
tlemen, especially in the world in the moon, don't 
use to inquire into the justice of the case they fight 
for, but they reckon it is their business to go where 
they are sent, and kill anybody they are ordered to kill, 
leaving their governors to answer for the justice of 
it. But there was another reason to be given why 
the men of the sword were so averse, and always 
talked coldly of the fighting part ; and though the 



THE CON SOLID ATOR. 405 

northern men called it fear, yet I cannot join with 
them in that, for to fear requires thinking; and 
some of our Solunarians are absolutely protected 
from the first, because they never meddle with the 
last, except when they come to the engine, and 
therefore it is plain it could not proceed from fear. 

It has puzzled the most discerning heads of the 
age, to give a reason from whence this aversion pro- 
ceeded, and various judgments have been given of 
it. 

The Nolunarians jested with them, and when 
they talked of fighting, bade them look back into 
history, and examine what they ever made of a 
Nolunarian war, and whether they had not been 
often well beaten, and sent short home ; bid them 
have a care of catching a tartar, as we call it, and 
always made themselves merry with it. 

They bantered the Solunarians too, about the 
fears and terrors they were under, from their arming 
themselves, and putting themselves in a posture of 
defence, when it was easy to see by the nature of 
the thing, that their design was not a war, but a 
union upon just conditions; that it was a plain token 
that they designed either to put some affront upon 
the Nolunarians, to deny them some just claims, or 
to impose something very provoking upon them 
more than they had yet done, that they were so ex- 
ceeding fearful of an invasion from them. 

Though these were sufficient to pass for reasons 
in other cases, yet it could not be so here ; but I 
saw there must be something else in it. As I was 
thus wondering at this unusual backwardness of the 
soldiers, I inquired a little further into the meaning 
of it, and quickly found the reason was plain, there 
was nothing to begot by it, that the people were brave, 
desperate, and poor, the country barren, mountain- 
ous, and empty, so that in short there would be no- 



406 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

thing but blows and soldiers' fellows to be had ; and 
I always observed that soldiers never care to be 
knocked on the head and get nothing by the bar- 
gain. 

In short, I saw plainly the reasons that prompted 
the Solunarians to insult their neighbours of the 
north, were more derived from the regret at their 
establishing Crolianism, than at any real causes they 
had given, or indeed were in a condition to give 
them. 

These, and abundance more particular observa- 
tions I made, but as I left the thing still in agitation 
and undetermined, I shall refer it to another voyage 
which I purpose to make thither; and, at my return, 
may perhaps set that case in a clearer light than 
our sight can yet bear to look at it in. 

If in my second voyage I should undeceive 
people in the notions they entertained of those 
northern people, and convince them that the Solu- 
narians were really the aggressors, and had put 
great hardships upon them, I might possibly do a 
work that, if it met with encouragement, might 
bring the Solunarians to do them justice, and that 
would set all to rights ; the two nations might easily 
become one, and unite for ever, or at least become 
friends, and give mutual assistance to each other ; 
and I cannot but own such an agreement would 
make them both very formidable; but this I refer to 
another time. 

At the same time I cannot leave it without a 
remark that this jealousy between the two nations 
may perhaps in future ages be necessary to be main- 
tained, in order to find some better reasons for for- 
tifications, standing armies, guards and garrisons, 
than could be given in the reign of the great prince 
I speak of, the queen's predecessor, though his was 
against a foreign insulting enemy. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 407 

But the temper of the Solunarian high party was 
always such, that they would with much more ease 
give thanks for a standing army against the Nolu- 
narians and Crolians, than agree to one legion 
against the Abrogratzians and Gallunarians. 

But of these things I am also promised a more 
particular account upon my journey into that 
country. 

I cannot, however, conclude this matter, without 
giving some account of my private observations 
upon what was further to be seen in this country. 

And had not my remarks on their state matters 
taken up more of my thoughts than I expected, I 
might have entered a little upon their other affairs, 
such as their companies, their commerce, their 
public offices, their stock-jobbers, their temper, 
their conversation, their women, their stages, 
universities, their courtiers, their clergy, and the 
characters of the severals under all these denomina- 
tions ; but these must be referred to time, and my 
more perfect observations. 

But I cannot omit, that though I have very 
little knowledge of books, and had obtained less 
upon their language, yet I could not but be very 
inquisitive after their libraries and men of letters. 

Among their libraries I found not abundance of 
their own books, their learning having so much of 
demonstration, and being very hieroglyphical ; but I 
found to my great admiration vast quantities of 
translated books out of all languages of our world. 

As I thought myself one of the first, at least of 
our nation, that ever came thus far ; it was, you 
may be sure, no small surprise to me, to find all the 
most valuable parts of modern learning, especially 
of politics, translated from our tongue into the 
lunar dialect, and stored up in their libraries with 



408 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

the remarks, notes, and observations, of the learned 
men of that climate upon the subject. 

Here, among a vast crowd of French authors 
condemned in this polite world for trifling, came a 
huge volume containing, Les (Euvres de Scavans, 
which has nineteen small bells painted upon the 
book, of several disproportioned sizes. 

I inquired the meaning of that hieroglyphic, 
which the master of the books told me, was to 
signify that the substance was all jingle and noise, 
and that of thirty volumes which that one book con- 
tains, twenty-nine of them have neither substance, 
music, harmony, nor value in them. 

The History of the Fulsomes, or a collection of 
three hundred fine speeches made in the French 
academy at Paris, and fifteen hundred gay flourishes 
out of monsieur Boileau, all in praise of the invinc- 
ible monarch of France. 

The Duke of Bavaria's Manifesto, showing the 
right of making war against our sovereigns, from 
whence the people of that lunar world have noted 
that the same reasons which made it lawful to him 
to attempt the imperial power, entitle him to lose 
his own, viz., conquest, and the longest sword. 

Jack o' Both Sides, or a dialogue between Pasquin 
and Marforio, upon the subject-matter of the pope's 
sincerity in case of the war in Italy ; written by a 
citizen of Ferrara. One side arguing upon the oc- 
casion of the pope's general wheedling the imperial- 
ists to quit that country ; the other bantering im- 
perial policy, or the, Germans pretending they were 
tricked out of Italy, when they could stay there no 
longer. 

Lewis the Invincible, by monsieur Boileau. A 
poem, on the glory of his most Christian majesty's 
arms at Hochstedt and Verue. 



THE CONSOLIDATOR. 409 

All these translations have innumerable hiero- 
glyphical notes, and emblems painted on them, 
which pass as comments, and are readily under- 
stood in that climate. For example, on the vol. of 
dialogues are two cardinals washing the pope's 
hands under a cloud that often bespatters them 
with blood, signifying that in spite of all his preten- 
sions he has a hand in the broils of Italy. And be- 
fore him the sun setting in a cloud, and a blind 
ballad-singer making sonnets upon the brightness of 
its lustre. 

The Three Kings of Brentford; being some histo- 
rical observations on three mighty monarchs in our 
world, whose heroic actions may be the subject of 
future ages, being like to do little in this ; the king 
of England, king of Poland, and king of Spain. 
These are described by a figure representing a 
castle in the air, and three knights pointing at it, 
but they could not catch. 

I omit abundance of very excellent pieces, be- 
cause remote ; as three great volumes of European 
mysteries, among the vast varieties of which, and 
very entertaining, I observed but a few, such as 
these : 

1. Why prince Ragotski will make no peace with 
the emperor. But, more particularly, why the em- 
peror won't make peace with him. 

2. Where the policy of the king of Sweden lies, 
to pursue the king of Poland, and let the Muscovites 
ravage and destroy his own subjects. 

3. What the duke of Bavaria proposed to himself 
in declaring for France. 

4. W^hy the protestants of the confederacy never 
relieved the Camisars. 

o. Why there are no cowards found in the English 
service, but among their sea captains. 

6. Why the king of Portugal did not take 



410 THE CONSOLIDATOR. 

Madrid, why the English did not take Cadiz, and 
why the Spaniards did not take Gibraltar, viz., be- 
cause the first were fools, the second knaves, and 
the last Spaniards. 

7. What became of all the silver taken at Vigo. 

8. Who will be the next king of Scotland. 

9. If England should ever want a king, who 
would think it worth while to accept of it. 

10. What specific difference can be produced be- 
tween a knave, a coward, and a traitor. 

Abundance of these mysteries are hieroglyph ically 
described in this ample collection; and without 
doubt our great collection of annals, and historical 
observations, particularly the learned Mr. Walker, 
would make great improvements there. 

But to come nearer home, there, to my great 
amazement, I found several new tracts out of our 
own language, which I could hardly have imagined 
it possible should have reached so far. 

As first, sundry Transactions of our Royal Society 
about winds, and a valuable dissertation of Dr. 
B 's about wind in the brain. 

A discourse of poisons, by the learned Dr. M , 

with lunar notes upon it, wherein it appears that 

Dr. C d had more poison in his tongue than 

all the adders in the moon have in their teeth. 

Nee JVon, or lawyers' Latin turned into lunar bur- 
lesque. The hieroglyphic was, the queen's money 
tossed in a blanket, dedicated to the attorney gene- 
ral, and five false Latin councillors. 

Mandamus; as it was acted at Abb — ton assizes, 

by Mr. So r general, where the qu — n had her 

own so r against her for a bad cause, and never 

a counsel for her in a good one. 

Lunar Reflections ; being a list of about two thou- 
sand ridiculous errors in history, palpable falsities, 
and scandalous omissions, in Mr. Collier's geogra- 



THE CONSOLroATOR. 4 J 1 

phical dictionary ; with a subsequent inquiry, by way 
of appendix, into which are his own, and which he 
has ignorantly deduced from ancient authors. 

Assassination and Killing of Kings, proved to be 
a Church of England doctrine ; humbly dedicated 
to the prince of Wales, by Mr. Collier and Mr. 
Snat ; wherein their absolving sir John Friend and 
sir William Parkins without repentance, and while 
they both owned and justified the fact, is vindicated 
and defended. 

Les Bagatelles, or Brom y's travels into 

Italy, a choice book, and by great accident pre- 
served from the malicious design of the author, 
who diligently bought up the whole impression, for 
fear they should be seen, as a thing of which this 
ungrateful age was not worthy. 

Killing no Murder ; being an account of the se- 
vere justice designed to be inflicted on the bar- 
barous murderers of the honest constable at Bow, 

but unhappily prevented by my lord N m being 

turned out of his office. 

De Modo Belli, or an account of the best method 
of making conquests and invasions a la mode de 
Port St. Mary; three volumes in octavo, dedicated 
to sir Hen. Bell s. 

King Charles I. proved a T 1 ; by Edward 

earl of Clarendon, three vols, in fol. Dedicated to 
the university of Oxford. 

The Bawdy Poets ; or new and accurate editions 
of Catullus, Propertius, and Tibullus, being the 
maidenhead of the new printing press at Cambridge, 

dedicated by the editor, Mr. Ann y, to the 

university ; and in consideration of which, and 
some disorders near Casterton, the university 
thought him fit to represent them in p 1. 

Alms no Charity ; or the skeleton of sir Humphry 



412 THE CONSOLLDATOR, 

Mack worth's bill for the relief of the poor ; being 
an excellent new contrivance to find employment 
for all the poor in the nation, viz., by setting them 
at work, to make all the rest of the people as poor 
as themselves. 

Synodicum Superlativum ; being sixteen large 
volumes of the vigorous proceedings of the English 
convocation, digested into years, one volume to every 
year. Wherein are several large lists of the heretical, 
atheistical, deistical and other pernicious errors which 
have been condemned in that venerable assembly, 
the various services done, and weighty matters de- 
spatched, for the honour of the English church, for 
sixteen years last past, with their formal proceed- 
ings against Asgil, Coward, Toland and others, for 
reviving old antiquated errors in doctrine, and 
publishing them to the world as their own. 

New Worlds in Trade; being a vast collection out 
of the journals of the proceedings of the right ho- 
nourable the commissioners of trade, with several 
eminent improvements in general negoce, vast 
schemes of business, and new discoveries of settle- 
ments and correspondences in foreign parts, for the 
honour and advantage of the English merchants; 
being twelve volumes in folio, and very scarce and 
valuable books. 

Legal Rebellion, or an argument proving that 
all sorts of insurrections of subjects against their 
princes, are lawful, and to be supported whenev^er 
they suit with our occasions; made good from the 
practice of France with the Hungarians, the English 
with the Camisars, the Swede with the Poles, the 
emperor with the subjects of Naples, and all the 
princes of the world as they find occasion ; a large 
volume in folio, with a poem upon the sacred right 
of kingly power. 



THE CONSOLED ATOR. 413 

Ignis Fatuus, or the Occasional Bill in miniature ; 
a farce, as it was acted by his excellency the lord 
Gr il's servants in Carolina. 

Running away the Shortest Way to Victory; being 
a large dissertation, showing to save the queen's 
ships is the best way to beat the French. 

The Tookites, a poem upon the 134. 

A New Tract upon Trade ; being a demonstration 
that to be always putting the people upon cus- 
tomary mourning, and wearing black upon every 
state occasion, is an excellent encouragement to 
trade, and a means to employ the poor. 

City Gratitude ; being a poem on the statue 
erected by the court of aldermen at the upper end 
of Cheapside, to the immortal memory of king Wil- 
liam. 

There were many more tracts to be found in this 
place; but these may suffice for a specimen, and to 
excite all men that would increase their understand- 
ings in human mysteries, to take a voyage to this 
enlightened country ; where their memories, think- 
ing faculties, and penetration, will no question be 
so tacked and consolidated, that when they return, 
they will all write memoirs of the place, and com- 
municate to their country the advantages they have 
reaped by their voyage, according to the laudable 
example of their 

Most humble servant, 
THE MAN IN THE MOON. 



THE END OF THE CONSOLIDATOR. 



OXFORD : PRINTED BY D. A. TALBOYS. 



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